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July 15, 2015

GOP House members request AG Lynch to provide accounting of Prez Obama's commutations

As reported via this official press release, it would appear that some GOP House members, seemingly concerned with how President Obama is now using his clemency powers, have decided to question Attorney General Loretta Lynch about what her boss is doing.  Here is what the press release explains (along with the full-text of letter, which is also available at this link): 

House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-Va.) and 18 Republican Members of the House Judiciary Committee today pressed for answers about the Obama Administration’s unprecedented clemency program for certain federal drug offenders in a letter to Attorney General Loretta Lynch.

Although the Justice Department’s own manual states that commutation of sentence is “an extraordinary remedy that is rarely granted,” the Obama Administration last year announced a clemency program for certain federal drug offenders and asked the defense bar to recruit candidates for executive clemency.  To date, 89 federal offenders have received sentence commutations, with the vast majority of those commutations going to federal drug offenders.

Here some key language from the letter, which I find curious and questionable in a variety of respects (especially the language I have emphasized below):

As Members of the Judiciary Committee, which oversees the Department of Justice, including the functions performed by the Office of the Pardon Attorney, we are deeply concerned that the President continues to use his pardon power to benefit specific classes of offenders, or for political purposes. No one disputes that the President possesses the constitutional authority to grant pardons and commutations. However, as the Department’s own U.S. Attorney’s Manual states, commutation of sentence is “an extraordinary remedy that is rarely granted.”

Additionally, the fact that the Department’s clemency initiative is focused solely on federal drug offenders continues this Administration’s plainly unconstitutional practice of picking and choosing which laws to enforce and which to change. This is not, as the Founders intended, an exercise of the power to provide for “exceptions in favour of unfortunate guilt,” but instead the use of the pardon power to benefit an entire class of offenders who were duly convicted in a court of law – not to mention a blatant usurpation of the lawmaking authority of the Legislative branch.

The parts of the letter I have stressed strike me as curious and suspect because they seem to have little legal or factual foundation (though they track quite closely to comments made a day earlier by Bill Otis at Crime & Consequences):

1.  Legally, there is no clear constitutional or other legal restriction on the President deciding, if he so chooses, to use his "pardon power to benefit specific classes of offenders, or for political purposes."  Indeed, the constitutional history of the pardon power, buttressed by comments in the Federalist Papers (see No. 74 and this Heritage memorandum), suggests that broad clemency power was preserved by the Framers in part to enable the Prez to be able to use this power to benefit specific classes of offenders, or for political purposes, when desired.  To this end, Pardon historian P.S. Ruckman rightly calls out this portion of the letter for "a very special kind of stupidity and ignorance."

2.  Factually, the current Obama clemency/commutation initiative, extending so far to just reduce the extreme prison sentence of 89 of roughly 100,000 current federal drug prisoners, in absolutely no way involves "picking and choosing which laws to enforce and which to change" nor does it somehow amount to a "blatant usurpation of the lawmaking authority of the Legislative branch."   Perhaps these assertion would make some sense if the President did in fact really grant full pardons to 100% (or even 75% or even 51%) of all federal drug prisoners/offenders and thereby wiped out entirely the convictions and sentences of truly an "entire class of offenders who were duly convicted in a court of law." But, so far, President Obama has merely shortened the extreme prison sentences of significantly less than .1% of current federal drug prisoners.

I could go on, but I will stop here by highlighting that this letter shows ways in which the current polarization of DC and the extreme disaffinity of the GOP for the current Prez necessarily impedes on the ability for folks inside the Beltway to move forward effectively with sound, sober and sensible sentence reforms.  Signing this suspect letter are a number of House GOP members who have recently spoken in favor of significant federal sentencing reform to reduce undue reliance on excessive terms of incarceration for federal drug offenders. But when Prez Obama actually does something in service to all the reform talk in Washington, his political opponents (perhaps spurred on by Bill Otis and others who oppose any and all criminal justice reforms) cannot resist the political instinct to complain.

July 15, 2015 at 05:27 PM | Permalink

Comments

Politics.

If it helps them get some cover for actual legislation, okay.

Posted by: Joe | Jul 15, 2015 9:07:30 PM

Let's not forget that Bill Otis is not only for commutations, but he is so for them that he writes op-eds in the Washington Post arguing that the president grant them. (See "Neither Prison nor Pardon," by William Otis, 6/7/2007; http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/06/AR2007060602292.html)

The difference is that conservative blogger Otis supports commutation when a Caucasian conservative politician is sentenced to 30 months in prison for committing a "process crime," ie. lying under oath. In the case of Scooter Libby, Otis was happy to reframe the issue and contort the context (which I'm sure made sense in his head) to argue that 30 months in prison was "excessive." Otis went on to state that "[a] sense of proportionality argues in favor of eliminating Libby's prison term. This was an unusually harsh sentence for a first offender convicted of a nonviolent and non-drug-related crime." Apparently, when a public official erodes the public's trust in government by committing perjury, an action that strikes at the core of trust in government, the crime is far below the actions of the vile crack smoker.

Perhaps the best line is "[b]ut to leave the sentence undisturbed would be an injustice to a person who, though guilty in this instance, is not what most people would, or should, think of as a criminal." Wow, what a great blanket statement. Yeah he was guilty of a crime...but come'n fellow conservatives...he's an upstanding white male...he's one of us!!!

As usual, CJLF takes no position on commutations, incarceration, federal inmates, prisons, politicians, the Washington Post, and of course...marijuana.

-John

Posted by: John | Jul 16, 2015 1:29:08 PM

I have as much use for the word "unprecedented" as I do for the word "historic". Every event is unprecedented because it never happened before. And every event is historic because it will never happen again.

So can we stop using such empty adjectives?

Posted by: Daniel | Jul 16, 2015 2:31:11 PM

I have as much use for the word "unprecedented" as I do for the word "historic". Every event is unprecedented because it never happened before. And every event is historic because it will never happen again.

So can we stop using such empty adjectives?

Posted by: Daniel | Jul 16, 2015 2:31:12 PM

I really love the link to the Heritage memorandum and PS Ruckman's list of amnesties and group pardons. The process of educating congress is daunting.

Posted by: beth | Jul 16, 2015 5:13:33 PM

I think me and Daniel have found more common ground.

As to Libby, Judge K.'s article was very good, but the reference to that prosecution ... dissent.

Posted by: Joe | Jul 16, 2015 10:47:45 PM

What is the point of the committee referencing the DOJ manual (other than politics)? What the manual says has zero binding force upon how the president chooses to exercise the clemency power. A president could choose to order the release of every single federal inmate and the only remedy available to Congress would be removal upon conviction after impeachment (which I expect would not take long if a president were to actually try such a step). Even then I'm not sure that a new president would be able to do anything but cancel the action for inmates not already released.

Posted by: Soronel Haetir | Jul 17, 2015 3:38:23 AM

The manual is not "binding" but is providing as representative of norms and practices.

The strength of the argument even there is unclear but it is not merely "politics" to point out the President is doing something that is simply not normal practice pursuant to its own guidebook. The President can do loads of things on their say so, and has the raw power to do so, but that's not usually how things work.

Posted by: Joe | Jul 17, 2015 10:03:02 AM

Group or Category Amnesty (Pardon) has been used by Presidents since Washington's term - from the Whiskey Insurrection to those who violated the selective service act during the Viet Nam War. It is not an outrageous idea and one that has been used periodically.

In December of 2012, Michael Kennedy and David Holland filed a group petition for Commutation for 5 nonviolent marijuana offenders over the age of 65. This concept for commutations for a category is not unprecedented. Reagan gave pardons to participants of Iran Contra, Clinton for Flan.

Posted by: beth | Jul 17, 2015 12:07:42 PM

Joe,

I agree that the argument would have at least some force if the manual were binding, but to say that it is even supposed to guide the president in using this power I believe is a step too far. The manual may well be binding on the DOJ as to what cases are supposed to get recommended, but as far as I can tell this clemency process is outside of DOJ for that very reason. Clemency is simply a power that belongs solely to the president, and is up to him to decide whether to use. Even if it were used in an entirely capricious manner I believe the only remedy would be impeachment, that there would be nothing else for the courts or Congress to do to directly reign in such an abuse (Congress might be able to to do so indirectly, through holding other budget items hostage, or the confirmation process).

As an example of why I have problems with the idea that the manual is supposed to have any hold over how the president uses the power, imagine a newly elected president who in fact planned to use the clemency power in some sweeping way. Do you actually think an inherited DOJ manual should have any hold under such a circumstance? Or should the president have to wait to exercise one of the very few prerogative powers for some book to get revised?

Posted by: Soronel Haetir | Jul 17, 2015 2:07:51 PM

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