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December 10, 2024
"Prohibition Constitutionalism"
The title of this post is the title of this review essay recently appearing on SSSRN authored by Matthew B. Lawrence. Here is its abstract:
This Review Essay describes and applauds David Pozen’s book, The Constitution of the War on Drugs, and offers its own intervention. Scholars have traced the failed addiction policies exemplified by the “war on drugs” to underlying root causes including racism, politics, and moral stigma. The core contribution of The Constitution of the War on Drugs is to show that constitutional law is an additional such root cause. The book does so by unearthing ways the Constitution has accepted and abetted carceral addiction policy. In pointing to constitutional law as a root cause of the drug war and, so, as a potential site for contestation against carceral drug policy, the book connects criminal law, health law, and constitutional law in ways that should enrich all three fields.
For all the book’s strengths, however, The Constitution of the War on Drugs does not go far enough in mapping the interaction of constitutional law and addiction policy that it uncovers. In surveying “near misses” during the twentieth century when constitutional litigation came close to invalidating prohibitionist drug policies, the book limits its study to constitutional law’s negative potential to impede carceral drug policies. This prohibitionary approach to constitutionalism leaves unaddressed and unrecognized important ways that constitutional law shapes which addiction policies are enacted in the first place — ways constitutional law influences the repeated choice of carceral drug policy over more effective evidence-based policies such as investments in treatment, housing, and social supports. Doing so misses promising contemporary sites of contestation and risks playing into President Nixon’s brilliantly pernicious conceptual framing of addiction policy as a punitive war on drugs. The book’s approach also risks bolstering contemporary anti-regulatory trends illustrated by ongoing attacks on the administrative state. In further developing the interaction of constitutional law and addiction policy that The Constitution of the War on Drugs uncovers, future scholars should consider thick, affirmative conceptions such as Roberts’s freedom constitutionalism or Parmet’s public health constitutionalism.
Prior related post:
December 10, 2024 at 02:51 PM | Permalink
Comments
Wasn't it that right-wing nutjob John Paul Stevens who wrote the majority opinion in Raich? And although academia is Very, Very Smart, it does not, yet, overrule the Supreme Court.
Posted by: Bill Otis | Dec 10, 2024 6:41:07 PM
The interesting question now, Bill, is whether the current Supreme Court would overrule the past Court's work in Raich. Justice Thomas, the only active Justice who was on the Court in 2005, wrote a foreful dissent in Raich based on "the original understanding of the Constitution." My sense is that there is now a super-majority of Justices open to reconsider past precedents inconsistent with an originalist view of the Constitution.
Of course, big government fans would seemingly be aghast at even the prospect of any limits on the reach of the federal power to control what individuals grow on their property. Is it that "academic" idea that troubles you?
Posted by: Doug B | Dec 11, 2024 9:25:33 AM
Doug --
When or if the current SCOTUS wants to overrule Raich, it won't be shy about letting us know. Until then, academia can say what it cares to. Nothing new there! I think the latest thing it's been saying, in light of Bruen, is that the federal FIP statute is a dead letter.
Well, sure, but I'm not holding my breath.
Meanwhile, academia remains mostly silent on what we could do about race huckstering, politically-driven prosecutors like Alvin Bragg. Maybe force him into a consent decree? Get a Special Master appointed to oversee his office? I don't know, but would be genuinely eager to hear any ideas you might have. You've been saying for years that some prosecutors go overboard with their power, and Mr. Bragg spends a lot of his time fortifying your point.
Posted by: Bill Otis | Dec 11, 2024 10:00:03 AM
Well, Bill, I have long advocated giving judges much great authority to review and reject misguided indictments, especially ones with many multiple charges based on one alleged criminal activity. Would you embrace that basic idea and consider working with me on a model statute to that effect?
I am pleased to see you have finally come to see that there are serious problems and costs from uncheck prosecutorial power. And I suspect it might be a particularly astute political moment to develop improved means to check those powers.
Posted by: Doug B | Dec 11, 2024 10:04:32 AM
Doug --
Our disagreements come not so much on the need to check prosecutorial power, but on which branch should be the checker and the decider about what needs checking. For by far the most part, it should be the political branches, as this gives the people the most direct say and avoids the insidious problem of having the judicial branch both (effectively) write, and then adjudicate, its own version of the "right" charge. That would be judicial power to a dangerous extent and grossly distort separation of powers.
In exceptional cases like Bragg, who's on a mind-bending and apparently race-driven political crusade, exceptions might be needed. But they should remain exceptions. For the most part, the people should be left to provide their own remedies, as the people of San Francisco did in showing Chesa Boudin the door.
Posted by: Bill Otis | Dec 11, 2024 11:01:28 AM
Speaking of race hucksters like Bragg: https://redstate.com/nick-arama/2024/12/11/jamaal-bowmans-meltdown-over-penny-verdict-n2183053
And note Doug's little maneuver--we decry a prosecutor like Bragg (who belongs in prison for the rest of his life) and Doug uses that to call for his wholesale revamping of the system, the ulterior motive of which is to go easy on the bad guys.
Posted by: federalist | Dec 11, 2024 11:32:17 AM
federlist: Bill claimed to be "genuinely eager to hear any ideas" about ways to check the power of "politically-driven prosecutors." One (of many) of my long-standing suggestions is for (democratically elected) legislatures to write thoughful and careful statutes intended to check prosecutorial power by authorizing judges --- who in many state systems are directly elected --- to have some role at the indictment stage. (The Framers imagined grand juries as mostly serving that role, but that's not tended to work sufficiently as a check, in my view. I'd like to bulk up grand jury power as well.) The details of the statute would be challenging, which is why I'd welcome Bill's (and your) help in drafting a model version.
Having the legislature provide more detailed limits on indictments --- eg, not dozens of charges relating to one criminal activity --- seems to me to be a sound means of having the political branches involved in prosecutorial-power checking. (And, of course, if the core is making sure "the people" have a say, well, the people had their "direct say" when they elected Bragg, and they will have another direct say the next time his is up for election.)
It is comicial that you see a check (and imprisonment) for only the prosecutor that you think is misusing the immense prosecutorial power that you still seem against universally checking (though I trust you know so many others have comparable complaints about the abuse of prosecutorial powers in so many other settings). I guess such is the very nature of partisan thinking --- reforms for me, but not for thee.
Posted by: Doug B | Dec 11, 2024 12:38:52 PM
I suppose I should add that if the chief concern is "race-driven" decision-making by prosecutors, the California legislature has sought to address that concern via the California Racial Justice Act of 2020, which states: "The state shall not seek or obtain a criminal conviction or seek, obtain, or impose a sentence on the basis of race, ethnicity, or national origin." That act provides a variety of remedies that a court can impose if a defendant can prove, by a preponderance of the evidence, a violation of that prohibition. https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2542
Of course, the US Constitution also precudes race-based prosecution, but the Supreme Court's Armstong decision has made discovery/litigation over such matters very challenging. I'd certainly like to see Armstrong revisted as well as more statutory provisions like a CRJA. Is that what you all have in mind?
Posted by: Doug B | Dec 11, 2024 1:52:07 PM
I'm actually more concerned about prosecutors _not_ pursuing charges for reasons of race, rather than pursuing unfounded charges. . The worst of crime may be down, you would think that would pair with an increase in the percent of crime solved. But such does not seem to be the case.
Posted by: Soronel Haetir | Dec 11, 2024 3:20:13 PM