Sunday, June 26, 2022

You be the judge: what federal sentence for convicted sex trafficker Ghislaine Maxwell?

A high-profile sentencing is scheduled for NYC federal court this coming week.  This CNN article from last last, reporting on prosecutors' sentencing filing, provides a partial preview:

Federal prosecutors asked a judge in a court filing Wednesday to sentence Ghislaine Maxwell to 30 to 55 years in prison for sex trafficking a minor and other charges related to a sprawling conspiracy to abuse young girls with the wealthy financier Jeffrey Epstein.

"Maxwell was an adult who made her own choices. She made the choice to sexually exploit numerous underage girls. She made the choice to conspire with Epstein for years, working as partners in crime and causing devastating harm to vulnerable victims," prosecutors wrote in the sentencing memo. "She should be held accountable for her disturbing role in an extensive child exploitation scheme."

Last week, Maxwell's lawyers asked a judge to sentence her to between 4.25 and 5.25 years in prison, saying her difficult childhood made her vulnerable to Epstein and that she shouldn't face a harsh sentence because of his actions. "But this Court cannot sentence Ms. Maxwell as if she were a proxy for Epstein simply because Epstein is no longer here," her attorneys wrote in their sentencing recommendation....

Epstein, who pleaded guilty in 2008 to state prostitution charges, was indicted on federal sex trafficking charges in July 2019 but died by suicide in prison a month later. Maxwell, his confidante and former girlfriend, was arrested a year afterward and has been held in jail since. In the sentencing memo, the prosecution wrote that the defense's argument was "absurd and offensive."

"The lenient sentence the defendant seeks would send the message that there is one system of laws for the rich and powerful, and another set for everyone else," prosecutors wrote.... 

Maxwell, 60, was found guilty of five federal charges in December: sex trafficking of a minor, transporting a minor with the intent to engage in criminal sexual activity and three related counts of conspiracy.  However, she will only be sentenced on three counts after the judge presiding over her case agreed that two of the conspiracy counts she faced were repetitive.

The probation department recommended a 20-year sentence, below the sentencing guidelines. 

At her trial late last year, prosecutors argued Maxwell and Epstein conspired to set up a scheme to lure young girls into sexual relationships with Epstein from 1994 to 2004 in New York, Florida, New Mexico and the US Virgin Islands. Four women testified during the trial that Epstein abused them and that Maxwell facilitated the abuse and sometimes participated in it as well.

Her defense, meanwhile, said she was a "scapegoat" for Epstein's actions and attacked the memories and motivations of the women who said they were sexually abused.

The federal prosecutors' sentencing filing, which is available here, contends that "the applicable sentencing range is 360 months to life imprisonment [but] the statutory maximum penalty is 660 months’ imprisonment, [so] the Guidelines range becomes 360 to 660 months’ imprisonment."  But the defense sentencing memorandum, which is available here, requests "that the Court grant Ms. Maxwell a significant variance below the advisory Sentencing Guidelines range of 292-365 months and below the 240-month sentence recommended by the Probation Department."

But, as of this writing on the morning of June 26, it now seem there is a chance the sentencing will not go forward this week.  This Reuters article explains:

Ghislaine Maxwell has been put on suicide watch at a Brooklyn jail, and may seek to delay her Tuesday sentencing for aiding Jeffrey Epstein's sexual abuse of underage girls, her lawyer said on Saturday night.  In a letter to the judge overseeing Maxwell's case, Maxwell's lawyer, Bobbi Sternheim, said her client is "unable to properly prepare, for sentencing," after officials at the Metropolitan Detention Center on Friday declared the suicide watch and abruptly moved Maxwell to solitary confinement.

Sternheim said Maxwell was given a "suicide smock," and her clothing, toothpaste, soap and legal papers were taken away. The lawyer also said Maxwell "is not suicidal," a conclusion she said a psychologist who evaluated the 60-year-old British socialite on Saturday morning also reached.

"If Ms. Maxwell remains on suicide watch, is prohibited from reviewing legal materials prior to sentencing, becomes sleep deprived, and is denied sufficient time to meet with and confer with counsel, we will be formally moving on Monday for an adjournment," Sternheim wrote.

Prior related post:

June 26, 2022 in Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Offense Characteristics, Sex Offender Sentencing | Permalink | Comments (0)

Wednesday, June 22, 2022

Call for commentary for Federal Sentencing Reporter issue to provide "Advice for a new U.S. Sentencing Commission"

I am pleased to be able to spotlight here a call for papers from the Federal Sentencing Reporter:

Seeking Commentaries for Federal Sentencing Reporter's October Issue to provide “Advice for a new U.S. Sentencing Commission”

Last month, President Joseph Biden announced seven nominees for the U.S. Sentencing Commission, and in early June the Senate Judiciary Committee held a confirmation hearing for this full slate of nominees.  The Commission has lacked a quorum since 2019, which has prevented the agency from amending the US Sentencing Guidelines in any way. President Biden’s nominations, if the confirmation process continues to move forward this summer, should allow an all-new Commission to get to work on federal sentencing reform matters big and small.  The editors of the Federal Sentencing Reporter are eager to invite judges, lawyers, other sentencing practitioners, legal academics, and sentencing researchers, to share “Advice for a new U.S. Sentencing Commission,” for publication in the October 2022 FSR issue.

FSR commentaries for this issue could tackle big structural issues (such as how the Commission might review and reassess the entire guidelines system), smaller statutory issues (such as how to respond to reforms Congress enacted in the FIRST STEP Act), or any other topic of interest or concern to modern federal sentencing policy and practice.  FSR welcomes advice from all perspectives, including lessons the Commission could learn from the states and other countries.  Everyone with an informed interest in federal sentencing law and practice is encouraged to submit a commentary.

FSR articles are typically brief — 2000 to 5000 words, though they can run longer — with light use of citations in the form of endnotes.  The pieces are designed to be read by busy stakeholders, including lawyers, judges, scholars, and legislators (as well as, of course, members and staff of the US Sentencing Commission).

Priority will be given to drafts submitted by July 25, 2022, and later submissions will be considered as space permits. Submissions should be sent electronically to berman.43 @ osu.edu with a clear indication of the author and the author’s professional affiliation.

June 22, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Recommended reading, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (2)

Thursday, June 09, 2022

Notable coverage of supposed "new breed" of prison consultants

I have been following the federal criminal justice system for the better part of 30 years, and throughout there have always been various types of experts who seek to help defendants with sentence mitigation and preparation for prison (especially in the white-collar universe where greater resources are available to pay for these kinds of services).  Still, every now and again, the press seems eager to make much of the phenomenon of so-called "prison consultants" as, for example, in a 2020 Town & Country  piece, "Inside the World of Prison Consultants Who Prepare White Collar Criminals to Do Time." 

The New York Times has long been keen on the prison consultant beat as evidenced by older articles like a 2009 piece headlined "Consultants Are Providing High-Profile Inmates a Game Plan for Coping" and a 2012 piece headlined "Making Crime Pay."  This week, the Gray Lady has this very long piece in this genre appearing in its magazine under this full headline "Want to Do Less Time? A Prison Consultant Might Be Able to Help. For a price, a new breed of fixer is teaching convicts how to reduce their sentence, get placed in a better facility — and make the most of their months behind bars."  Though I am not sure why prison consultants are now described as a "new breed of fixer," I am sure this lengthy article is still worth a full read.  Here are excerpts: 

After a prominent felon is sentenced, a spate of stories often appear about these backstage fixers for the wealthy, consultants who can help get a client into prisons that one might prefer — say, a prison that has superior schooling or CrossFit-level gyms or lenient furlough policies or better-paying jobs or other refined specialties.  The federal prison in Otisville, N.Y., for example, is also known as “federal Jewish heaven” because of its good kosher food (decent gefilte fish, they say, and the rugelach’s not bad).  When those Varsity Blues parents were busted for paying backdoor operatives to engineer their kids’ college admissions, it was also reported that many hired prison consultants to game out the aftermath.

[Justin] Paperny’s business is a natural market outgrowth of a continuing and profound shift in America’s judicial system.  Almost everyone facing charges is forced to plead guilty (or face an angry prosecutor who will take you to trial).  In 2021, 98.3 percent of federal cases ended up as plea bargains.  It’s arguable that in our era of procedural dramas and endless “Law & Order” reruns, speedy and public trials are more common on television than in real-life courthouses.  What people like [Hugo] Mejia have to deal with as they await sentencing is a lot of logistics.

The idea of a prison consultant might conjure an image of an insider broker or fixer, but they’re really more like an SAT tutor — someone who understands test logic and the nuances of unwritten rules. Yet prison consulting also involves dealing with a desolate human being who has lost almost everything — friends, family, money, reputation — and done it in such a way that no one gives a damn.  So they’re also a paid-for best friend, plying their clients with Tony Robbins-style motivational insights, occasionally mixed with powerful sessions about the nature of guilt and shame....

On television, the journey to prison is nearly instantaneous: a jump cut to a slamming cell door. But in the real world, it’s a set of steps, routine bureaucratic actions that involve interviews, numerous forms to complete and dates with officials. A lawyer is your legal guide to staying out of prison, but once that becomes inevitable, a prison consultant is there to chaperone you through the bureaucracies that will eventually land you in your new home, easing your entry into incarceration — and sometimes even returning you to the outside, utterly changed....

One of the first things Paperny advises a client like Mejia to do is to stop [minimizing the offense], especially before sentencing.  You pleaded guilty already.  You did it.  Own it — because the vamping will almost certainly annoy any judge or civil servant who hears it, and you’ll wind up with a much longer sentence.  That’s arguably the most crucial piece of advice that Paperny provides to his clients, for the simple reason that when you’re going to prison, you have to formally tell your story to all kinds of people.

The storytelling officially begins a few weeks after a guilty plea (or a conviction by trial) in a sit-down interview with a law-enforcement officer whose specialty is writing up a pre-sentencing report, which will be given to the presiding judge.  The descriptions of the crime come largely from the plea agreement, which is, naturally, centered on the proposition that you are a heinous criminal and a moral fugitive.  Think of a Wikipedia biography that tells the story of the worst moment of your life, with everything else about you salted away in footnotes.  This is what the sentencing judge will read before deciding precisely how long you will be confined — and it’s a story that will follow you throughout your stay with the state.

“They call the pre-sentencing report the Bible in prison, because it is one of the first things a case manager or counselor will rely upon,” Paperny said. “It will influence early release, your half-house time, your bunk, your job and so on.”

June 9, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Prisons and prisoners, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, White-collar sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (2)

Wednesday, June 08, 2022

Senate conducts hearing for nominees for US Sentencing Commission

Four weeks ago, as discussed here, Prez Biden finally made nominations to the US Sentencing Commission.  Due to a lack of commissioners, the US Sentencing Commission has lacked a quorum needed to fully function for 3.5 years, and the USSC has not had complete set of commissioners firmly in place for nearly decade.  But, now moving relatively swiftly, the US Senate Judiciary Committee today held a confirmation hearing for Prez Biden's seven USSC nominees.

Here is a link to the hearing, which runs about two hours and has a number of interesting elements.  Hard-core federal sentencing fans will likely consider the full hearing worth watching.  For a quick review, FAMM's Shanna Rifkin provided this live tweeting of the hearing, which captures some of the highlights.  And here is a round-up of some press coverage:

From Bloomberg Law, "Sentencing Commission Vetting Echoes GOP Grilling of Jackson"

From Law360, "Senate Panel Considers Long-Awaited Sentencing Noms"

From Reuters, "Biden's sentencing panel noms vow to implement criminal justice reform law"

There was some sharp questioning of a few of the nominees, especially from some GOP Senators, and Senator Josh Hawley seemed to indicate that he would not support at least one of the nominees.  But the overall tenor of the hearing suggested that this slate of nominees had considerable support from the Committee and is on a path to eventual confirmation.

Though this hearing means we are one step closer to having a functional US Sentencing Commission, it is still unclear exactly when there will be a committee vote and then a full Senate vote on these nominees.  I am hopeful these votes might take place this summer, but I should know better than to make any predictions about the pace of work by Congress.

June 8, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Tuesday, June 07, 2022

Notable cert petition (and amicus) urges SCOTUS to take up drug quantity calculations review standards

Long-time readers know that I have long complained about how the Supreme Court sets its criminal docket and repeatedly fails to take up many consequential sentencing issues (except in capital and ACCA cases).  But hope springs eternal, and issues needing SCOTUS attention are never ending.  To that end, I want to flag a recent cert petition, which has new amicus support, and is scheduled to be considered by the Justices this week.  The case is Tucker v. United States, No. 21-7769, coming from the DC Circuit, and here is an excerpt from the cert petition:   

A fourth of the federal cases reported to the United States Sentencing Commission are narcotics prosecutions.  The issue of drug quantity frequently heavily influences the element of Relevant Conduct which factors into those offenders’ Sentencing Guidelines’ Base Offense Levels.

After being convicted by a jury for a federal narcotics conspiracy charge, Petitioner unsuccessfully contested the district judge’s approach to determining the quantity of drugs for which he was being held accountable.  On appeal, Petitioner contended that the trial judge’s methodology should be reviewed de novo.  The Circuit Court reviewed for clear error, which is the standard followed in three courts of appeals.  Conversely, five Circuits apply a de novo standard of review; the process employed by two other Circuits is equally rigorous.  This distinction can make a difference: courts using the more vigorous standard of review have reversed sentences flowing from methodologies that depended more on conjecture than recognized criteria....

Deciding the standard of appellate review is a matter for this Court.  Thus understood, the question presented is whether the Court should resolve the circuit conflict by requiring de novo review for contested methodologies used to determine Base Offense Levels in narcotics prosecutions.

This amicus brief filed in support of the petition frames the issue this way:

Whether the methodology used by a district court to determine drug quantity for purposes of sentencing for drug trafficking offenses should be reviewed de novo, under a heightened standard, or only for clear error, the standard followed by D.C. Circuit below.

Given that nearly 20,000 federal drug cases are sentenced every year — that's roughly 400 each and every week — it is hard to think of a federal sentencing issue much more consequential than the calculation and review of drug quantities.  Fingers crossed this case might capture the attention of at least four Justices.

Just a very few of many prior related posts newer and older:

June 7, 2022 in Drug Offense Sentencing, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offense Characteristics, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Sentences Reconsidered, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (3)

Monday, June 06, 2022

"'How Much Time Am I Looking At?': Plea Bargains, Harsh Punishments, and Low Trial Rates in Southwest Border Districts"

The title of this post is the title of this recent article authored by Walter Gonçalves and available via SSRN. Here is its abstract:

Scholarship on the American trial penalty, vast and diverse, analyzes it in connection with plea bargaining’s dominance, its growth starting in the last third of the nineteenth century, and present-day racial disparities at sentencing.  The overcriminalization and quick processing of people of color in southwest border districts cannot be understood without an analysis of how trial sanctions impact illegal entry and drug trafficking in these busy jurisdictions.  Professor Ronald Wright wrote about the role of prosecutorial power and plea bargaining in the federal system, but he passed over how and why immigration crimes became widespread.  Any discussion of prosecutors and plea bargaining requires an understanding of how they manage illegal entrants and drug couriers — the most prevalent defendants in federal court.

This Article analyzes the reasons for increasing plea rates and trial penalties in the southwest and how they helped enable the proliferation of fast-track programs.  The plea-bargaining machine used racial stereotypes and stigmatizations of Latinx and African American populations to justify few trials and process as many migrants and drug couriers as possible.  This paper provides practical advice for criminal defense lawyers when representing clients at the plea and sentencing stage of a case.  It also unites a discussion of implicit bias to explain why judges disfavor racial minorities.

June 6, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Race, Class, and Gender, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (1)

Thursday, June 02, 2022

Hoping it is not yet time to give up on passage of the EQUAL Act

When the US House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly in Sept 2021, by a tally of 361-66, to pass the EQUAL Act to equalize powder and crack cocaine sentences, I thought the long ugly stain of the crack/powder disparity might be finally about to come to an end.  In this post, I wondered "After an overwhelming majority of GOP House delegation voted for EQUAL Act, can the Senate move quickly to finally right a 35-year wrong?."  Nearly nine months later, it is now obvious that the Senate was not able to move quickly on this issue.  But, I was still optimistic in March 2022 upon news that a full 10 GOP Senators were now signed on as co-sponsors of the EQUAL Act, and so I asked here "Is Congress finally on the verge of equalizing crack and powder cocaine sentences?."

But April brought showers dousing some of my hopefulness in the form of a group of GOP Senators introducing a competing crack/powder sentencing reform bill tougher than EQUAL Act and a press report that Democrats were fearful of potential floor votes around possible EQUAL Act amendments.  And yesterday, I saw that FAMM President Kevin Ring has this new commentary, headlined "The Senate’s Unwillingness to Pass the EQUAL Act Highlights Its Dysfunction," while almost reads like a boxer's corner man throwing in the towel.  Here are excerpts:

When Lavonda Bonds, Yvonne Mosley, and Sagan Soto-Stanton saw the U.S. House overwhelmingly pass a bill last September to eliminate the federal sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine, they were excited and hopeful.  Their loved ones, who’ve each spent decades languishing in federal prison, could finally come home if the Senate would simply follow suit and pass this noncontroversial reform, known as the EQUAL Act.

Eight months later, these three women — and thousands of other families — are still waiting for the Senate to act.  They want to know what the holdup is.  They think I might know because I have been working in and around Congress for the past 30 years, first as a Capitol Hill staffer, then as a lobbyist, and for the past 13 years, as a D.C.-based advocate for families with loved ones in prison.

Unfortunately, I have to tell them all the same thing: The Senate is broken.  And the EQUAL Act is perhaps the best and most infuriating example of just how broken the Senate has become — it can’t even pass a bill with broad, bipartisan support and fix a 36-year-old mistake....

Congress, which voted unanimously in 2010 to reduce the disparity to 18:1, looked poised to finally eliminate it this year.  A diverse coalition of groups from across the ideological spectrum, including organizations representing police and prosecutors, civil rights, and civil liberties, joined together to support the EQUAL Act to end the unwarranted disparity.

The U.S. House approved the EQUAL Act last September by a vote of 361–66. House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), conservative Reps. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and Louie Gohmert (R-Tex.), and nearly 70 percent of the Republican caucus joined every House Democrat in a powerful display of bipartisanship on a matter of equal justice.

As attention turned to the Senate, the bill’s supporters secured eleven Republican cosponsors (and more private commitments) to demonstrate that the EQUAL Act was bipartisan, popular, and would not fall victim to the filibuster, the Senate rule requiring 60 votes to cut off debate.  There’s no threat of filibuster preventing a vote for the EQUAL act, which could change the lives of thousands of suffering families.

So what’s the problem?  Senators may have to vote on amendments that get offered to the bill and they are scared.  They fear that members in the small minority who oppose the bill will offer amendments that sound good, yet are bad policy, known as “poison pills.”

This fear has always existed, especially in election years, but in recent years it has grown to the point of creating paralysis.  In the past, supporters of important reforms would stand together in opposition to obviously ill-intentioned amendments.  But senators today obsess over voting against poison pills they think will hurt their re-election chances, and leaders of the Senate’s majority party fear these votes could lose their side’s control of the chamber.  The Democrats control the Senate now, but this has been the practice of both parties in recent years.

The result is an unwillingness to move even popular reforms like the EQUAL Act. Filibuster or not, the Senate is broken.  And if it doesn’t get fixed soon, the families of Lavonda, Yvonne, Sagan, and thousands of others will remain separated by prison bars for no reason.

I do not think this commentary signals that the EQUAL Act cannot still get passed, but it reinforces my fear that the climb is far more uphill than it seemingly should be. One might especially recall that the FIRST STEP Act got to Prez Trump's desk during the lame-duck days after the 2018 election, so maybe that history foreshadows a 2022 path for the EQUAL Act.  But, whatever might come of this particular bill, I continue to be troubled to hear that the Senate cannot advance good policy because it seems a few of its members may fail to understand how to manage politics.  Sigh.

A few of many prior posts on the EQUAL Act:

June 2, 2022 in Drug Offense Sentencing, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, New crack statute and the FSA's impact, New USSC crack guidelines and report, Offense Characteristics, Race, Class, and Gender, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Wednesday, May 25, 2022

Former reality star Josh Duggar sentencing to just over 12.5 years in federal prison for child pornography offense

In this post last week, I spotlighted the sentencing submission of the parties in a high-profile federal sentencing and asked "what federal sentence for former reality star Josh Duggar after child pornography convictions?".  I noted that the prosecution was asking for the statutory max of 20 years (and they said the guideline range was 30 to life), while Duggar asked for a sentence of five years.  The post generated a lot of thoughtful comments, and atomicfrog predicted "a sentence in the 10-12 year range."  That was pretty close, as this new BuzzFeed News piece explains in its headline: "Josh Duggar Has Been Sentenced To 12.5 Years In Prison Over Child Sexual Abuse Materials."

Though not discussed at length in the BuzzFeed piece, I surmise from this People article that the sentencing judge here may not have adopted all of the guideline enhancements pursued by the Government.  Here is a snippet:

Prosecutors had asked that he serve the maximum sentence of 20 years in prison, while Duggar’s defense team had asked for five. “Duggar has a deep-seated, pervasive, and violent sexual interest in children,” Assistant US Attorney Dustin Roberts wrote in a sentencing memo.

Both Duggar's wife, Anna, and father, Jim Bob, were in court in Fayetteville on Wednesday for the sentencing.

On Tuesday, District Judge Timothy Brooks issued a 29-page opinion rejecting Duggar's plea for a new trial. "There is no merit to Mr. Duggar’s argument in favor of acquittal," the judge wrote....

After a lengthy hearing Wednesday in which he heard a number of objections from the defense, the judge sentenced Duggar to 151 months in prison.

You be the judge: what federal sentence for former reality star Josh Duggar after child pornography convictions?

Prior related posts:

May 25, 2022 in Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Sex Offender Sentencing | Permalink | Comments (7)

Tuesday, May 24, 2022

With Senate leader now pushing for EQUAL Act, can crack sentencing reform finally get to finish line?

The question in the title of this post is prompted by this New York Daily News article headlined "Schumer calls for end to crack cocaine sentencing disparity: ‘Cocaine is cocaine’."  Here are excerpts:

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer on Monday called on lawmakers to end a sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine that has had a disproportionate effect on Black Americans. “We have a moment to balance the scales of justice,” the New York Democrat said at a news conference outside the Thurgood Marshall U.S. Courthouse in lower Manhattan. “It’s common sense: Cocaine is cocaine, and the sentencing should be equal.”

In September, the House overwhelmingly passed legislation to end a sentencing formula that uses an 18-to-1 ratio in treating equal amounts of crack and powder cocaine. The bipartisan vote was 361 to 66. Democrats and Republicans embraced the chance to correct what activists, researchers and law enforcement view as a historical wrong. Pricey powder cocaine has long been seen as the province of the wealthy, while crack is cheaper and generally associated with poorer Americans....

But the bill, called the Eliminating a Quantifiably Unjust Application of the Law Act, has not yet landed on the floor of the Senate this spring, with both parties moving cautiously ahead of the pivotal midterm elections in November.

Schumer, who declined to describe a timeline for passage, appeared to be embarking upon a pressure campaign meant to clear space for the legislation’s approval without a fierce fight on the floor. In the Senate, Sens. Rob Portman (R-Ohio) and Cory Booker (D-N.J.) are sponsoring the legislation to end the sentencing disparities. “We’re working together — Sens. Booker, Portman and myself — figuring out the right timeframe and the right way to go,” Schumer told reporters Monday. “We want to get this done as soon as we can.”

Booker’s office said Monday that the legislation has picked up 21 cosponsors, including 11 Republicans, since it was introduced in the Senate in January. Booker said in a statement he was “pleased that Leader Schumer has called for a vote on the bill.” “For decades, our nation’s drug laws have been overly punitive and fraught with racial disparities, but perhaps no law has been as fundamentally flawed as the crack and powder cocaine sentencing disparity,” Booker said in the statement. “I look forward to passing the EQUAL Act as soon as possible.”

Beginning in 1986, mandatory minimum sentences for crack cocaine and powder cocaine crimes were formulated using a staggering 100-to-1 ratio. The Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, signed into law by President Barack Obama, changed the ratio to 18 to 1. “Some of our colleagues would say, ‘Well, I’ll lower it, but I won’t make it equal,’” said Schumer, who at one point held up sweetener packets as props during the news conference. “100 to 1 was horrible, but 18 to 1 was just as horrible, which it is now. 1 to 1 is fair.”

Senator Schumer is wrong to assert current crack sentencing after the Fair Sentencing Act is "just as horrible" as it was under the 100-1 ratio.  It is a bit better, but still not actually fair.  The EQUAL Act finally presents the prospect of getting to the 1-1 sentencing ratio that the US Sentencing Commission urged way back in 1995.  More than a quarter of a century later, I hope Senator Schumer is right about the fact that now is finally, finally "a moment to balance the scales of justice."

A few of many prior posts on the EQUAL Act:

May 24, 2022 in Drug Offense Sentencing, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Mandatory minimum sentencing statutes, New crack statute and the FSA's impact, Race, Class, and Gender, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Saturday, May 21, 2022

Register for "Looking Ahead: Learning from Past Commission Leadership"

In this prior post, I noted the great weekly panel series that has been running through the month of May titled "The Role of the U.S. Sentencing Commission in Decarceration: First Step Act and Beyond."  This series has been put together by the Center for Justice and Human Dignity, a nonprofit organization whose mission is explained here in terms of seeking  "to reduce prison incarceration in the United States while improving conditions for those imprisoned and working inside."

This panel series concludes this coming Tuesday, May 24, at 12noon ET with a fourth and final panel titled "Looking Ahead: Learning from Past Commission Leadership." The discussion among former heads of the US Sentencing Commission and judges is especially timely given Prez Biden's nomination of seven new people to the US Sentencing Commission just earlier this month.  Everyone can and should register to attend this session (and review the entire series) here.  The speakers for all the panels have been terrific, and here are the folks participating in this last panel:

I had the distinct pleasure of helping just a bit with this panel, and the opportunity to hear from former Chairs of the US Sentencing Commission should never be missed.

Prior related posts:

May 21, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (1)

Tuesday, May 17, 2022

You be the judge: what federal sentence for former reality star Josh Duggar after child pornography convictions?

In this post back in December, I asked "How many years and counting might reality TV star Josh Duggar now get after federal jury convictions on two child pornography charges?," and I speculated that he could be looking at a federal guideline range of a decade or longer.   This month, sentencing memos were submitted ahead of Duggar's scheduled sentencing on May 25, and the start of the Government's 32-page Sentencing Memorandum notes the guideline calculation and the statutory ceiling in this matter, as well at the Government's sentencing recommendation:

U.S. Probation’s Case calculation under the United States Sentencing Guidelines (Guidelines) set out in the final PSR reflects an advisory range of imprisonment of 360 months to life, which will be capped by the offense maximum of 240 months set by statute for Count One in the Indictment....

Based on all the facts of the case, including Duggar’s prior sexual exploitation of multiple minors discussed herein, and in consideration of the extraordinary efforts Duggar took to obtain and view child sexual abuse material (CSAM), the nature of the CSAM he obtained and viewed, his efforts to conceal his criminal conduct, and his refusal to take accountability for or acknowledge any of his criminal conduct, the Government recommends the Court impose a guideline term of imprisonment of 240 months.

Defendant Duggar's Sentencing Memorandum and Motion for Downward Variance, which also runs 32 pages, concludes its introduction with a very different recommendation:

[W]hile he maintains his innocence and intends to exercise his right to an appeal, Duggar accepts that the crime for which he is being sentenced is serious and that this Court must impose a punishment.  But in crafting that punishment, Duggar asks that this Court consider this crime within its proper context and consider the person Duggar really is.  It is against this backdrop that Duggar respectfully requests that this Court sentence him to 60 months’ imprisonment as that is “sufficient, but not greater than necessary.” 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a).  As evidenced by his perfect performance on pretrial bond, no matter what sentence is ultimately imposed, this is a defendant who will never find himself before this, or any other, Court ever again and a defendant who will abide by whatever conditions of supervised release this Court imposes.

This lengthy Law & Crime article, headlined "Federal Prosecutors Urge Judge to Hand Josh Duggar Maximum Punishment for Downloading ‘Depraved’ Child Sexual Abuse Materials," provides some more context for the sentencing advocacy in this celebrity(?) case.

Prior related post:

May 17, 2022 in Booker in district courts, Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines | Permalink | Comments (14)

Wednesday, May 11, 2022

Prez Biden finally announces a full slate of nominees to the US Sentencing Commission

As I have noted in a number of prior posts (some linked below), due to a lack of Commissioners, the US Sentencing Commission has lacked a quorum needed to fully function for well over three years, and the USSC has not had complete set of commissioners firmly in place for nearly decade.  The USSC staff has completed lots of useful research and reports in the interim; but, with the FIRST STEP Act's passage in December 2018, it has been particularly problematic for the USSC to be non-functional in terms of formal amendments or agendas in recent years.

But today, nearly 16 month into his Administration, President Joe Biden has finally announced a full slate of seven Commissioner nominations to the US Sentencing Commission.  Here is the official announcement, headlined "President Biden Nominates Bipartisan Slate for the United States Sentencing Commission," and the basics about the seven nominees (which by statute have to be bipartisan and include at least three judges):

President Biden is announcing seven experienced and qualified nominees for the U.S. Sentencing Commission, a bipartisan independent agency created during the Reagan Administration.  The Commission was created to reduce sentencing disparities and promote transparency and proportionality in criminal sentencing. 

The Commission has lacked a quorum since 2019, which has prevented it from doing critical business. Today, President Biden is pleased to announce the nominations of these individuals — a bipartisan slate including the first Black chair of the organization — whose confirmations would allow the Commission to conduct its important work. 

Judge Carlton W. Reeves: Nominee for Commissioner and Chair of the United States Sentencing Commission

Judge Carlton W. Reeves has served as a United States District Court Judge for the Southern District of Mississippi since 2010....

Laura Mate: Nominee for Commissioner and Vice Chair of the United States Sentencing Commission

Laura Mate has served as the Director of Sentencing Resource Counsel, a project of the Federal Public and Community Defenders in the Office of the Federal Public Defender for the District of Arizona, since 2021 and from 2010 to 2021 was a member of Sentencing Resource Counsel....

Claire McCusker Murray: Nominee for Commissioner and Vice Chair of the United States Sentencing Commission

Claire McCusker Murray served as the Principal Deputy Associate Attorney General of the United States Department of Justice from 2019 to 2021....

Judge Luis Felipe Restrepo: Nominee for Commissioner and Vice Chair of the United States Sentencing Commission

Judge Luis Felipe Restrepo has served as a United States Court of Appeals Judge for the Third Circuit since 2016....

Judge Claria Horn Boom: Nominee for Commissioner of the United States Sentencing Commission

Judge Claria Horn Boom has served as a United States District Court Judge for the Eastern and Western Districts of Kentucky since 2018....

Judge John Gleeson: Nominee for Commissioner of the United States Sentencing Commission

Judge John Gleeson is a partner at Debevoise and Plimpton LLP in New York, where he has practiced since 2016....

Candice C. Wong: Nominee for Commissioner of the United States Sentencing Commission

Candice C. Wong serves as an Assistant United States Attorney and Chief of the Violence Reduction and Trafficking Offenses Section in the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia....

Because these selections have surely been made in consultation with Senate leadership, I am reasonably hopeful that hearings and a confirmation of these nominees could proceed swiftly.  (But that may be wishful thinking, as was my thinking that these needed nominees would come a lot sooner.)  There is lots of work ahead for these nominees (and lots of blog posts to follow about them and their likely agenda), but for now I will be content with just a "Huzzah!"

A few of many prior recent related posts:

May 11, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (9)

Friday, April 29, 2022

GOP Senators introduce competing crack/powder sentencing reform bill tougher than EQUAL Act

Regular readers should be aware from my prior postings that Congress seems poised to pass the EQUAL Act to entirely eliminate the crack and powder cocaine sentencing disparity.  This disparity and its racialized impacts have been an ugly part of the federal sentencing landscape for over 35 years (when Congress first created the 100:1 disparity), and the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 only partially reduced the disparity (down to 18:1).  But after the US House voted overwhelmingly, 361-66, to pass the EQUAL Act to end disparity last year, and after the Senate version had secured 11 GOP sponsors, I was hopeful the powder and crack cocaine disparity could and would finally be ended this year.

But, this press release from Senator Chuck Grassley's office, titled "Senators Introduce Bill To Reduce Crack-Powder Sentencing Disparity, Protect Communities From Criminals Most Likely To Reoffend," now has me concerned that a competing bill might now muck up the works.  Here are the details from the release:

Sens. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), Mike Lee (R-Utah), Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) today introduced the SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act, which will reduce the sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine offenders tried in federal courts. The legislation aims to make sentencing fairer while also preserving the ability of courts to keep those most likely to reoffend off the street.

“I’ve worked on this issue for many years. I cosponsored the 2010 legislation led by Senators Durbin and Sessions to reduce the disparity in sentencing from 100-to-1 to 18-to-1.  It’s high time to do more to address this important issue and make our criminal code more just and fair.  Our legislation will significantly reduce this disparity while ensuring those more likely to reoffend face appropriate penalties.  Powder cocaine is being trafficked across the border in historic volumes, so we also need to take precautions that ensure these traffickers also face justice for spreading poison through our communities,” Grassley said....

This sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine offenders has had a disparate impact on communities of color across the country.  Reducing this disparate impact is critical, but must be thoughtfully enacted to prevent likely reoffenders from returning to communities just to violate the law again.

Separate legislation has been introduced in the Senate to completely flatten the differences between sentences for crack cocaine and powder cocaine offenses.  This approach does not account for the differences in recidivism rates associated with the two types of cocaine offenses.  According to a January 2022 analysis from the U.S. Sentencing Commission (USSC), crack cocaine offenders recidivate at the highest rate of any drug type at 60.8 percent, while powder cocaine offenders recidivate at the lowest rate of any drug type at 43.8 percent.  Raising additional public safety concerns, USSC data reveals that crack cocaine offenders were the most likely among all drug offenders to carry deadly weapons during offenses. These statistics show the need for a close look at all available government data before we consider an approach to flatten sentencing for crack and powder cocaine offenses. 

The SMART [Start Making Adjustments and Require Transparency in] Cocaine Sentencing Act will reduce the current crack-to-powder cocaine sentencing disparity from 18:1 to 2.5:1. It reduces the volume required to trigger 5-year mandatory minimum sentences for powder cocaine from 500 grams to 400 grams, and from 5 kilograms to 4 kilograms for 10-year mandatory minimum sentences.  For crack cocaine, the volume triggering a 5-year mandatory sentence is increased from 28 grams to 160 grams; the volume for the 10-year mandatory sentence is lifted from 280 grams to 1,600 grams.

Critically, the SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act also requires an attorney general review and certification process for any retroactive sentencing adjustments. It provides for new federal research from the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Department of Health and Human Services regarding the lethality and addictiveness of these substances as well as what violence is associated with cocaine-related crimes. The legislation also requires a new report from the USSC on crack and powder cocaine offenses, including data on recidivism rates....

Full legislative text of the SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act can be found HERE.  

Kevin Ring has an effective Twitter thread here criticizing various aspects of this proposal, which he calls the "The Grassley Unequal Act."  I hope that this bill does not impede progress on the EQUAL Act, but the fact that the EQUAL Act has not become law already make me concerned about the fate and future or long-overdue efforts to end the crack/cocaine sentencing disparity.

A few of many prior posts on the EQUAL Act:

UPDATE This new New York Times article, headlined "Drug Sentencing Bill Is in Limbo as Midterm Politics Paralyze Congress," details why the EQUAL Act may not get to the finish line in this Congress.  Here are excerpts:

[W]ith control of Congress at stake and Republicans weaponizing a law-and-order message against Democrats in their midterm election campaigns, the fate of the measure is in doubt. Democrats worry that bringing it up would allow Republicans to demand a series of votes that could make them look soft on crime and lax on immigration — risks they are reluctant to take months before they face voters.

Even the measure’s Republican backers concede that bringing it to the floor could lead to an array of difficult votes.  “I assume the topic opens itself pretty wide,” said Senator Roy Blunt, Republican of Missouri, who became the 11th member of his party to sign on to the Equal Act this month, giving its supporters more than the 60 votes needed to overcome procedural obstacles....

Though Mr. Schumer endorsed the legislation in April, he has not laid out a timeline for bringing it to the floor.  Democrats say he is giving backers of the bill a chance to build additional support and find a way to advance the measure without causing a floor fight that could take weeks — time that Democrats do not have if they want to continue to win approval of new judges and take care of other business before the end of the year....

Its supporters say that they recognize the difficulties but believe that it is the single piece of criminal justice legislation with a chance of reaching the president’s desk in the current political environment.  “Of all the criminal justice bills, this is the one that is set up for success right now,” said Inimai Chettiar, the federal director for the Justice Action Network. “It is not going to be easy on the floor, but I think it is doable.”

The problem is that the push comes as top Republicans have made clear that they intend to try to capitalize on public concern about increasing crime in the battle for Senate and House control in November....  Senator Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican and minority leader, this week reprised his criticism of Judge Jackson and attacked Mr. Biden for having issued his first round of pardons and commutations, including for those convicted of drug crimes.  “They never miss an opportunity to send the wrong signal,” he said of Democrats.

Senator Tom Cotton, the Arkansas Republican who led the opposition to the First Step Act, said he was in no mood to let the Equal Act sail through. He has said that if the disparity is to be erased, penalties for powder cocaine should be increased.  “My opposition to the Equal Act will be as strong as my opposition to the First Step Act,” Mr. Cotton said.

The legislation encountered another complication on Thursday, when Senators Charles E. Grassley of Iowa and Mike Lee of Utah, two top Republican supporters of the previous criminal justice overhaul, introduced a competing bill that would reduce — but not eliminate — the sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine. They said that research showed that crack traffickers were more likely to return to crime and carry deadly weapons.  “Our legislation will significantly reduce this disparity while ensuring those more likely to reoffend face appropriate penalties,” said Mr. Grassley, the top Republican on the Judiciary Committee.

Sponsors of the Equal Act say they intend to push forward and remain optimistic that they can overcome the difficulties.  “We’ve got an amazing bill, and we’ve got 11 Republicans and people want to get this done,” said Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey and the lead sponsor of the legislation. “My hope is that we are going to have a shot to get this done right now.”

With strong advocates of the EQUAL Act now saying that getting this to the floor of the Senate is "doable" or can "have a shot," I cannot help but think it is quite a long shot this Congress.  Sigh.

April 29, 2022 in Drug Offense Sentencing, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Mandatory minimum sentencing statutes, Race, Class, and Gender, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (1)

Thursday, April 28, 2022

Register for "Alternatives to Incarceration: Reducing Mass Incarceration in Federal Court"

1234 AlternativesIn this post last week, I noted the great weekly panel series for the month of may titled "The Role of the U.S. Sentencing Commission in Decarceration: First Step Act and Beyond."  This series has been put together by the Center for Justice and Human Dignity, a nonprofit organization whose mission is explained here in terms of seeking  "to reduce prison incarceration in the United States while improving conditions for those imprisoned and working inside."

This panel series is to run every Tuesdays at 12noon ET from May 3 through May 24, which means the first panel is scheduled taking place this coming Tuesday, May 3rd.  This first panel is titled " "Alternatives to Incarceration: Reducing Mass Incarceration in Federal Court," which means the speakers will focus on incarceration alternatives in the federal courts and the impact of the US Sentencing Commission in their applicability.  Everyone can and should register to attend next week's session or the entire series here.  The speakers for all the panels are terrific, and here are the folks participating in this first panel:

Judge Dolly M. Gee, United States District Judge of the United States District Court for the Central District of California, CASA Program

Raul Ayala, Deputy Federal Public Defender at Office of the Federal Public Defender, CASA Program

Judge Leo Sorokin, District Court Judge, District of Massachusetts, RISE Program

Chris Dozier, NAPSA Federal Director, Retired Chief U.S. Pretrial Services Officer

And here is a run-down of the future panels:

State Sentencing Commissions Work Toward Decarceration (Tuesday, May 10 12pm ET)

Sentencing Review and Reduction: Open Questions and Next Steps for the Commission (Tuesday, May 17 12pm ET)

Looking Ahead: Learning from Past Commission Leadership (Tuesday, May 24 12pm ET)

Prior related post:

April 28, 2022 in Criminal Sentences Alternatives, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Wednesday, April 27, 2022

"Modern Sentencing Mitigation"

The title of this post is the title of this notable new article authored by John B. Meixner Jr. now available in the Northwestern University Law Review. Here is its abstract:

Sentencing has become the most important part of a criminal case.  Over the past century, criminal trials have given way almost entirely to pleas.  Once a case is charged, it almost always ends up at sentencing.  And notably, judges learn little sentencing-relevant information about the case or the defendant prior to sentencing and have significant discretion in sentencing decisions.  Thus, sentencing is the primary opportunity for the defense to affect the outcome of the case by presenting mitigation: reasons why the nature of the offense or characteristics of the defendant warrant a lower sentence.  It is surprising, then, that relatively little scholarship in criminal law focuses on mitigation at sentencing.  Fundamental questions have not been explored: Do the Sentencing Guidelines — which largely limit the relevance of mitigating evidence — make mitigation unimportant?  Does the extent or type of mitigation offered have any relationship with the sentence imposed?

This Article fills that gap by examining a previously unexplored data set: sentencing memoranda filed by defense attorneys in federal felony cases.  By systematically parsing categories of mitigating evidence and quantitatively coding the evidence, I show that mitigation is a central predictor of sentencing outcomes and that judges approach mitigation in a modern way: rather than adhering to the strict, offense-centric structure that has dominated sentencing since the advent of the Sentencing Guidelines in the 1980s, judges individualize sentences in ways that consider the personal characteristics of each defendant, beyond what the Guidelines anticipate.  And particular types of mitigation, such as science-based arguments about mental and physical health, appear especially persuasive.

The results have significant implications for criminal justice policy: while my data show that mitigation is critical to judges’ sentencing decisions, both the Guidelines and procedural rules minimize mitigation, failing to encourage both defense attorneys and prosecutors to investigate and consider it.  I suggest reforms to make sentencing more equitable, such as requiring the investigation and presentation of mitigation to constitute effective assistance of counsel, easing the barriers to obtaining relevant information on mental and physical health mitigation, and encouraging prosecutors to consider mitigation in charging decisions and sentencing recommendations.

April 27, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Purposes of Punishment and Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (2)

Tuesday, April 26, 2022

US Sentencing Commission releases "Overview of Federal Criminal Cases, Fiscal Year 2021"

The US Sentencing Commission, despite the persistent lack of a quorum, continues churn out federal sentencing data and helpful reports about that data.  This week brings its regular annual review of federal criminal case data, released under the title "Overview of Federal Criminal Cases, Fiscal Year 2021."  The full 32 page report is available at this link, and the Commission describes and summarizes the report on this webpage in this way:

Summary

The United States Sentencing Commission received information on 57,377 federal criminal cases in which the offender was sentenced in fiscal year 2021.  Among these cases, 57,287 involved an individual offender and 90 involved a corporation or other “organizational” offender.  The Commission also received information on 4,680 cases in which the court resentenced the offender or otherwise modified the sentence that had been previously imposed.  This publication provides an overview of these cases.

Highlights

A review of cases reported to the Commission in fiscal year 2021 reveal the following:

  • The 57,287 individual original cases reported to the Commission in fiscal year 2021 represent a decrease of 7,278 (11.3%) cases from fiscal year 2020, and the lowest number of cases since fiscal year 1999.  The number of offenders sentenced in the federal courts reached a peak in fiscal year 20114 and the number of cases reported in fiscal year 2021 was 33.5 percent below that level.
    • Despite the decrease in overall caseload, sizeable increases were reported in drug trafficking, firearms, sex abuse, child pornography and money laundering cases.
  • Cases involving drugs, immigration, firearms, and fraud, theft, or embezzlement accounted for 83.1% of all cases reported to the Commission.
  • Drug offenses overtook immigration offenses as the most common federal crime in fiscal year 2021, accounting for 31.3% of the total caseload.
    • Drug possession cases continued a five-year downward trend, decreasing 29.6 percent from fiscal year 2020, while the number of drug trafficking cases rose 7.4 percent after reaching a five-year low in 2020.
    • Two-thirds (67.7%) of drug trafficking offenders were convicted of an offense carrying a mandatory minimum penalty.
    • Methamphetamine remained the most prevalent drug type. The 8,494 methamphetamine cases accounted for 48.0 percent of all drug crimes. The proportion of methamphetamine cases has increased steadily since fiscal year 2017, when those cases accounted for 36.6 percent of all drug cases.
    • The number of fentanyl cases increased 45.2 percent from the year before and now constitute the fourth most numerous drug type. In contrast, the proportion of the drug caseload involving heroin and marijuana has steadily decreased over the last five years.

April 26, 2022 in Data on sentencing, Detailed sentencing data, Federal Sentencing Guidelines | Permalink | Comments (0)

Sunday, April 24, 2022

US Sentencing Commission releases FY 2022 first quarter sentencing data (with notably low percentage of within-range sentences)

This weekend I noticed that the US Sentencing Commission just published here its latest quarterly data report which sets forth "1st Quarter 2022 Preliminary Cumulative Data (October 1, 2021, through December 31, 2021)."  These new data provide another official accounting of how the COVID pandemic has impacted federal sentencing.  Specifically, as reflected in Figure 2, while the three quarters prior to the pandemic averaged roughly 20,000 federal sentencings per quarter, the three quarters closing out 2020 had only between about 12,000 and 13,000 cases sentenced each quarter.  Calendar year 2021 has seen a rebounding of total cases sentenced, but this latest quarter had just over 15,000 total federal cases sentenced.  Figure 2 also shows that a steep decline in immigration cases continues to primarily accounts for the decrease in overall cases sentenced.

As I have noted before, the other big COVID era trend is a historically large number of below-guideline variances being granted, and this trend has now extended over the last six quarters (as detailed in Figures 3 and 4).  Though one possible explanation for this trend is that more federal judges are imposing lower sentences because of COVID-related concerns, other data suggest that other factors may be in play.  Specifically, Figure 5 shows that the average guideline minimum and average sentences for all cases has been historically high during the COVID era, which is likely a product of the altered case mix with fewer immigration case and perhaps also because federal prosecutors during COVID are more likely to be moving forward with the most aggravated of cases.  With the "Average Guideline Minimum" and also the "Average Sentence" higher in all COVID-era quarters, we may be seeing a higher percentage of below-guideline sentences largely because the guideline benchmarks are particularly high. 

Whatever the full explanation, in this most recent quarter the data show that only 41.6% of all federal sentences are imposed "Within Guideline Range."  I think this number around the lowest it may have ever been.  And yet, this still mean that more than two out of every five cases are imposed within the guidelines while all the others are still sentenced in the shadow of the guidelines.  (Figure 5 shows how closely the sentences actually imposed and guideline ranges track each other.)  So, even with a notably low percentage of within-range sentences, the guidelines still matter a lot (and many of them remain badly broken).  We should all hope that there will be appointments to the US Sentencing Commission soon so that the government agency tasked by Congress with establishing and improving "sentencing policies and practices for the Federal criminal justice system" can finally get back into full swing.

April 24, 2022 in Data on sentencing, Detailed sentencing data, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (8)

Wednesday, April 20, 2022

Great panel series to explore "The Role of the U.S. Sentencing Commission in Decarceration: First Step Act and Beyond"

CJHDI keep hoping and hoping that we will be getting nominations from Prez Biden to the US Sentencing Commission just about any day now. Excitingly, even while being kept waiting for long-overdue USSC nominations, I can now look forward to a weekly panel series dedicated to examining thoroughly and thoughtfully what new nominees should be doing.  Specifically, the Center for Justice and Human Dignity (CJHD) is presenting a series of panels on the "Role of the U.S. Sentencing Commission in Decarceration: First Step Act and Beyond," which will run Tuesdays at 12noon ET from May 3 through May 24.

CJHD is a nonprofit organization whose mission is explained here in terms of seeking "to reduce prison incarceration in the United States while improving conditions for those imprisoned and working inside.  We promote values of human dignity and shared safety while keeping in mind the needs of survivors, directly impacted people, and society at large. Alongside diverse partners, we collaborate with judges on alternative sentencing, correctional leaders on the conditions of confinement, and policymakers on early release strategies."

This events page provides this account of this panel series:

While the President considers the U.S. Sentencing Commission appointments, judges and judicial-focused organizations are examining how the agency might better address the myriad ways its guidelines impact mass incarceration.  The nation has an opportunity to reimagine how the Commission might use its authority to further decarceration efforts and address other system disparities through its guidelines and policy statements.

During this symposium, judges, scholars and practitioners will share their thoughts on these topics and reflect on how legislation like the First Step Act has expanded the use of compassionate release and other opportunities for decarceration.

Over the course of four weeks in May, this virtual symposium will offer weekly panels addressing how the U.S. Sentencing Commission can be supportive of federal alternative to incarceration programming, sentencing review mechanisms, promising practices from state sentencing commissions, and changes to the guidelines practitioners and other leaders in the field are interested in seeing once commissioners are appointed.

The Role of the U.S. Sentencing Commission in Decarceration: First Step Act and Beyond. A weekly panel discussion, Tuesdays at 12pm ET, May 3-24, 2022 Click here to register online

I had the pleasure of helping just a bit in planning some of the topics for these panels, as well as the great honor of moderating one part of this important discussion. The speakers involved are really great, and I am looking forward to the whole series (and I sure hope we finally have some Commissions nominees from Prez Biden before the series concludes).

April 20, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Scope of Imprisonment, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (5)

Thursday, April 14, 2022

Discouraging update on various sentencing and prison reform bills from inside the Beltway

This new Politico article, "Criminal justice reform faces political buzzsaw as GOP hones its midterm message," provides an unsurprising, but still disappointing, update on the current political realities facing a set of small but important sentencing and prison reform bills pending in Congress. I recommend the whole piece, and here are excerpts:

The Senate delivered former President Donald Trump a bipartisan criminal justice reform deal shortly after the last midterm election.  Staging a sequel for President Joe Biden this year won’t be so easy.

Dick Durbin and Chuck Grassley, the top Democrat and Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee, are still in talks over finalizing a package that would serve as a more narrow follow-up to the 2018 prison and sentencing reform bill known as the First Step Act.  But both senior senators acknowledge it’s not a glide path forward, particularly given the GOP messaging on rising crime ahead of the 2022 midterms — a focus that was on full display during Ketanji Brown Jackson’s Supreme Court hearings last month.

“That’s dampened the interest in doing what we call the Second Step Act, but we’re still seeing what can be worked out,” Grassley (R-Iowa) said in a brief interview.  He added that if Democrats agree to certain provisions related to law enforcement, “that might make it possible to get something done.”  Durbin (D-Ill.), meanwhile, said he’s concerned about the bill’s prospects, particularly given Republican accusations during Jackson’s confirmation hearings that the justice-in-waiting was soft on crime.  The Judiciary chair ranked criminal justice as high on his list of priorities, though he said legislation addressing crime and law enforcement “may be just as challenging as immigration” — a famously tough area of bipartisan compromise on Capitol Hill.

While both Durbin and Grassley say the sequel legislation is necessary to fully implement and expand on the sentencing updates in the First Step law, the campaign-season politics surrounding criminal justice reform threaten broader GOP support. Though 38 Republican senators backed the 2018 bill, it took Trump’s personal appeals to get many on board. And with Democrats in full control of Washington, Republicans’ emerging midterm message — that liberals are to blame for rising violent crime — could make sentencing changes that much harder.

Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), a member of the Judiciary Committee and a close adviser to Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, has yet to review the proposal but predicted a tough road ahead. “Particularly given the spike in violence in the inner cities, it would probably be controversial depending on what the specific proposal was,” Cornyn said. “The timing is not great given the closeness of the midterms and the primaries that still remain to be run.”

The Judiciary panel already passed the foundation for Durbin and Grassley’s potential criminal justice reform package last year. It would give inmates who were sentenced prior to the First Step law’s passage the ability to petition for its reduced sentencing guidelines, applying them retroactively if approved. Another bill included in it would increase eligibility for a program that allows certain elderly prisoners to serve the rest of their sentences at home. There’s also discussion around expanding the scope of a federal carjacking statute, according to a GOP Judiciary Committee aide....

A separate but related criminal justice push in the upper chamber, however, illustrates that reform advocates aren’t exactly pinning their hopes on a broader agreement this year. Supporters of eliminating the long-standing federal sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine offenses originally discussed including that provision in the committee’s bigger proposal.

Now advocates for change want the Senate to move a standalone bill on the crack-cocaine disparity, citing its support from 11 Senate Republicans — enough to overcome a filibuster. “They have been working on that package for the better part of a year now, and the [standalone bill] is ready right now,” said Holly Harris, executive director of the Justice Action Network, who is urging the Senate to act shortly after the Easter recess. “My hope is obviously that we can see the [standalone bill] through to fruition here. I mean, it’s literally on the goal line.”... Backers of the legislation eliminating the crack-cocaine disparity, which passed the House overwhelmingly in September, range from conservative Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.) to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer. It’s backed by law enforcement groups, including the Major Cities Chiefs Association and the National District Attorneys Association.

While Schumer hasn’t yet laid out a timeline for when he’d bring the crack-cocaine disparity bill to the floor, members of the Congressional Black Caucus earlier this month wrote to him and Durbin urging the Senate to consider the bill “without delay.” The legislation is a top priority for the caucus, which has already faced setbacks on police reform and voting rights bills. And proponents of the reform are framing it as legislation about “fairness” instead of crime, highlighting support from Reps. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and Louie Gohmert (R-Texas).

But Senate aides on both sides of the aisle warn that despite the disparity-closing bill’s bipartisan support, it could still face a challenging path to final passage, including a potentially arduous debate over amendments. Republicans who oppose the bill would almost certainly want to force vulnerable Senate Democrats to take tough amendment votes amid reports of rising violent crime in major cities and the approaching November election. Grassley, who is not a co-sponsor, has also outlined concerns about whether there would be enough Republican support in the Senate to get the legislation over the finish line. While the Judiciary Committee held a hearing on the crack-cocaine disparity bill last year, it has yet to schedule a markup.

Meanwhile, Durbin isn’t giving up on his broader criminal justice reform package. At least not yet. While the Jackson hearings highlighted the “extremes” of GOP opposition, he said he remains hopeful that “there are fair-minded Republicans and Democrats who can form the basis of an agreement.”

Sigh. From the very start of this Congress, many folks have been stressing (see here and here) that the criminal justice arena as presenting opportunities for bipartisan reforms.  And nearly a year ago, as noted here, the Senate Judiciary Committee advanced the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act of 2021, the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 and the First Step Implementation Act of 2021.  Since then, the House in September 2021 passed, as detailed here, the EQUAL Act by a margin of 361-66 and last month passed, as detailed here, the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 by a margin of 405-12.  Not sure we can expect more bipartisan agreement than these votes reflect, and so I continue to believe the relatively modest reforms in all of these bills could have and should have been low-hanging fruit for bipartisan legislative achievements in this Congress.  Instead, it now appears that none of these bills may get to the finish line in this Congress. 

I understand fully the challenging politics presented by rising homicide rates and other crime challenges now facing the nation.  But these reforms are all sound tweaks to a federal sentencing and prison system that have rightly garnered strong bipartisan support because they are modest and sensible reforms that are long-overdue and have very little to do with violent offenders.  The apparent failure of this Congress to get any of these bills enacted so far strikes me as much more a story of problematic policy priorities than of modern crime politics.  Sigh.

April 14, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, FIRST STEP Act and its implementation, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (1)

Monday, April 11, 2022

Considering sentencing echoes of SCOTUS confirmation hearings' sentencing attacks

This lengthy new CNN article, headlined "Ambitious trial judges could be wary after GOP attacks on Judge Jackson's sentencing record," provides an effective review of how last month's SCOTUS spectacle could impact the work of federal sentencing judges.  I recommend the full piece, and here are excerpts (with some commentary added in spots):

The Senate Republicans who led the attacks on Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson's sentencing record say they hoped to send a message to other trial judges who might seek appointments to higher courts.

While some veteran judges see it as a tactic of intimidation, it hits on a longstanding tension between the lifetime tenure granted to judges to in theory shield them from politics and lawmakers' frustration that they're using that discretion to supposedly stretch beyond the instructions they've received from Congress. J

One of the most important consequences of these confirmation hearings is there are district judges across the country who may have ambitions for elevations, who are going to think twice about letting violent criminals go or giving them a slap on the wrist, rather than following the law and imposing serious sentences for those who have committed serious crimes," Sen. Ted Cruz, a Texas Republican, told CNN.

Of course, as I highlighted in this prior post, Judge Jackson was "following the law" in all of her sentencing decisions; and the cases that were the focal point for attacks by GOP Senators did not generally involve "violent criminals," but on computer criminals who downloaded child pornography.  Sigh.  Now, more from the CNN article:

"It is in part meant to intimidate judges," said Ret. Judge Shira Scheindlin, who joined several other retired judges in a letter last month defending Jackson's approach to the child pornography cases that had been singled out by GOP lawmakers. "They are kind of on notice that, if that's their ambition, they better think hard about their sentencing practices," Scheindlin, a Bill Clinton appointee, told CNN. "That's a bad thing."...

"I think it's terrible for public perception for the senators to be suggesting that there are judges around the country who favor child pornography," said Ret. Judge John Martin, who served as a US Attorney under Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan before his appointment by President George H.W. Bush to Manhattan's federal court....

Whether judges will change their approach out of fear they too may someday face the hostility Jackson was subjected to remains to be seen. "People in the legal profession saw it for what it was, and it wasn't a real argument based in fact," said Lisa Cylar Barrett, the director of policy at the NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund.

Judges take it seriously, Ret. Clinton-appointed Judge Faith Hochberg told CNN, that their job requires them "to set politics aside and apply the facts and the law to every single case that comes before them, without any overlay of what may be made of the decision politically by someone else who wasn't privy to the facts and the law that the judge was presented."

Still other former judges acknowledged it could have a conscious or subconscious effect. "I don't think judges are going to be too intimidated, but for those few who have the ambition to go to a higher court, they may think twice about leniency," Scheindlin said. "That's unfortunate. They should only be thinking about the defendant in front of them."

April 11, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (3)

Tuesday, April 05, 2022

With SCOTUS nominee now on path to confirmation, time to fret again about the lack of USSC nominees from Prez Biden

As we approach a full 15 months into the Biden Administration, I must yet again return to expressing my frustration that there has not yet been any nominations to the US Sentencing Commission.  As I have noted in a number of prior posts (some linked below), due to a lack of Sentencing Commissioners, the USSC has not been fully functional for the better part of five years, and the USSC has not had complete set of commissioners in place now for nearly a decade.  The USSC staff continues to produce lots of useful research and reports, but the FIRST STEP Act's passage in December 2018 makes it particularly problematic for the USSC to have been completely non-functional for now three+ years since that law's enactment.

Though I harped on this front a lot last year, I did not complain too much recently about the persistent lack of nominees while the Biden Administration was selecting and seeking the confirmation of a replacement for US Supreme Court Justice Breyer.  But, after yesterday's developments (news here), it seem quite clear that Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson will be confirmed to replace Justice Breyer.  So, with this SCOTUS transition now seemingly settled, I will return to full-time fretting about the lack of USSC nominees from Prez Biden.

I have heard buzz from a variety of sources leading me to believe a slate of nominations could be imminent.  These nominations cannot come soon enough, especially given that already three month have passed since Justice Sotomayor, joined by Justice Barrett, issued a statement respecting the denial expressing "hope in the near future the Commission will be able to resume its important function in our criminal justice system."  As all my posts below detail, I have shared this hope, so far still unfulfilled, for quite some time.

One of many reasons sentencing fans should now hope for imminent nominations for the US Sentencing Commission is the inherently uncertain (and political) nature of the confirmation process.  I am hopeful that, because nominations to the USSC have to be bipartisan, there will be Senators from both parties eager to move the eventual nominees through the confirmation process efficiently.  But I am perhaps naive to believe that good government functioning could come before possible political opportunism in this setting (especially during an election year).  Moreover, even if the confirmation process goes quickly and smoothly, the process is still likely to take months, while more than a thousand federal defendants are getting sentenced in federal courts every week. 

A few of many prior related posts:

April 5, 2022 in Criminal justice in the Biden Administration, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Tuesday, March 29, 2022

US House overwhelmingly votes, by a margin of 405-12, for "Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021"

I continue to believe that federal sentencing reforms can continue to be an arena for bipartisan achievements in Congress (as we saw with the Fair Sentencing Act during the Obama Administration and with the FIRST STEP Act during the Trump Administration).  Of course, the recent SCOTUS confirmation hearings provided a reminder that some legislators on some criminal justice issues are going to favor partisan attacks over responsible discourse.  Nevertheless, my hope springs eternal and news from Congress last night bolsters this hope. 

Specifically, as detailed in this press release from the office of Congressman Steve Cohen, a bipartisan bill which prohibits the consideration of acquitted conduct in sentencing received overwhelming bipartisan support last night.  Here are excerpts from the press release:

Congressman Steve Cohen (TN-09), Chairman of the Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights, and Civil Liberties, today addressed the House of Representatives and urged passage of his bill, the Prohibiting Punishment for Acquitted Conduct Act. The bill later passed the House on a vote of 405 to 12.

Congressmen Cohen and Kelly Armstrong (N.D., at large) introduced the measure last year to end the unjust practice of judges increasing sentences based on conduct for which a defendant has not been convicted.  In his speech on the House floor today, Congressman Cohen said, in part:  “I want to thank Mr. Armstrong for working with me on it. He was a strong proponent of the bill and it is truly bipartisan and bicameral...I’ve got a few pages of speeches here but there’s no reasons to – a long time ago I was told – you make the sale and you sit down. The sale has been made, I believe.”  See those remarks, including part of the debate, here.

When the Judiciary Committee voted to advance the measure in November, Congressman Armstrong made the following statement: “The right of criminal defendants to be judged by a jury of their peers is a foundational principle of the Constitution. The current practice of allowing federal judges to sentence defendants based on conduct for which they were acquitted by a jury is not right and is not fair.”

A similar measure introduced by Senators Dick Durbin (D-Illinois) and Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) was considered in the Senate Judiciary Committee last June and has been advanced to the full Senate.

I am so very pleased to see this very modest bill, but still very meaningful proposal, move forward and receive such overwhelming support from Representatives in both parties.  I hope this legislation can get a vote in the Senate ASAP.  

A few of many, many, many prior related posts:

March 29, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (9)

Saturday, March 26, 2022

Following up on just some of the sentencing discourse from SCOTUS confirmation hearings

Prior to this past week's Supreme Court confirmation hearing in the Senate Judiciary Committee, I had been pleased to see coverage of the US Sentencing Commission and the ways in which nominee Judge Jackson's service on the USSC might impact her future work if confirmed.  I have also long said that a nominee's experience as a federal district judge (and thus a sentencing judge) should be an asset to work as Justice.  But, while looking forward to a sentencing-related discourse, I ended up generally disappointed by what generally seemed like a failure by all Senators on both sides of the aisle to engage thoughtfully with the deep challenges and profound humanity of sentencing determinations.  

Helpfully, I have now seen a couple of press pieces picking up some of these themes.  Here are links and snippets:

By Dawinder S. Sidhu at The Baltimore Sun, "Senators questioning of Judge Jackson’s sentencing history during Supreme Court confirmation hearings reveals their own failures":

If anything, the senators’ questions highlight Congress’ failures in erecting the sentencing structure that federal judges across the country, including Judge Jackson, operate within. Once the confirmation process is over, the Senate should fix the very system that they criticize judges for following....

Judge Jackson should stand behind her sentencing decisions. So too should Congress step up and fix a system that only it is capable of repairing. It would be a shame for Congress to give attention to that system only when the cameras are rolling and the bright lights of the confirmation process are flashing. The American people, and the principled administration of justice, deserve more.

By Jessica Schulberg at HuffPost, "Ketanji Brown Jackson Was Right To Use Discretion On Sentences. Why Didn’t Democrats Defend It?":

When Republicans falsely accused the Supreme Court nominee of going easy on sex offenders, Democrats could have taken the opportunity to educate the public about the need for sentencing reform. Instead, they sidestepped the issue.

Some prior related posts:

March 26, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (1)

Thursday, March 24, 2022

In praise of the continued sentencing sensibility of the National Review's Andrew McCarthy

Though I have been intrigued by the considerable attention given to Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson's sentencing record even since Senator Josh Hawley's tweets flagged his concerns about about her writings, comments and sentencings in some sex offense cases (background here), I have been quite disappointed by what seemed to me to be a general failure by all of Senators on both sides of the aisle to engage thoughtfully with the deep challenges and profound humanity in any and all sentencing determinations.  District judges often say sentencing is the hardest part of their job, and this is true even in the run-of-the-mill cases when the facts are routine and the applicable statutory law is clear and the applicable guidelines are helpful.  (A few years ago, I gave a talk (written up here) partially titled "Sentencing is So Dang Hard" which details just some reasons I think judge are right to describe sentencing this way.)

Critically, in federal child pornography (CP) cases, the basic facts are rarely routine, the applicable statutory law is rarely clear, and the applicable guidelines are the very opposite of helpful.  In the CP setting, applicable statutory law is quite messy — e.g., what is the real difference between child pornography "possession" and "receipt", how should USSC policy statements be considered here — and the applicable guidelines are widely regarded as badly broken.  Those legal realities mean federal sentencing takes on extra layers of challenge in CP cases.  The challenges become especially profound when difficult and distinctive facts come along, such as in the oft-discussed Hawkins case where, according to this New York Times article, the prosecutor described "very unique circumstances" involving teenage offender and the defense presented an "evaluation by a psychologist asserting that Mr. Hawkins did not 'demonstrate sexual deviation' but was instead driven to watch the pornographic images as 'a way for him to explore his curiosity about homosexual activity and connect with his emotional peers'."

Under difficult circumstances during questions from mostly GOP Senators, Judge Jackson tried hard to explain her sentencing process and goals, and she did highlight some of the unique challenges these cases present in light of problematic guidelines.  But, based on the parts of the hearing I was able to watch, I was generally underwhelmed by the efforts of Judge Jackson's supporters to discuss with her more broadly the deep challenges and profound humanity that all sentencing decision-making involves.  And I heard precious little discussion of the particulars of the Hawkins case or other cases in which defendants present significant mitigating circumstances that find little or no expression is problematic guidelines. 

But, as the title of this post suggest, there is one commentator who has done a great job in this arena this week, and I want to give a particular shout out to the work he has done to consistently and effectively contextualizing these stories.  Specifically, the National Review's Andrew McCarthy has now done three lengthy pieces that are must-reads for everyone following these stories:

"Senator Hawley’s Disingenuous Attack against Judge Jackson’s Record on Child Pornography"

"Ho-Hum: The Cases Senator Hawley Cites Show Judge Jackson Is an Unremarkable Sentencer in Child-Porn Cases"

"Judge Jackson and Judiciary Committee Republicans Joust on Child-Porn-Possession Case against 18-Year-Old . . . Again"

I flagged the first of these pieces in a prior post, but I want to especially laud Mr. McCarthy for not being content with his important first salvo against this line of attack on Judge Jackson.  Mr. McCarthy makes clear that he is not a fan or supporter of Judge Jackson, but he has still been willing to write a significant series of detailed pieces documenting in so many ways why the sentencing discourse by the GOP here is so misguided.  Kudos to him (and the National Review) for such sentencing sensibility.

March 24, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Sex Offender Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (5)

Monday, March 21, 2022

Recalling the text of the applicable law which helps account for Judge Jackson's sentencing rulings

I was able to listen to some of the opening statements of Senate Judiciary Committee members during today's installment of the hearings concerning the nomination of Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to be an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court.  Unsurprisingly, various GOP Senators extolled the importance of judges following the law and being committed to the rule of law:

Senator Grassley: "We depend on judges to interpret the laws as we write them."

Senator Cornyn: "Part of that judgment requires a judge to go where the law commands."

Senator Cruz: "Will you follow the law?" 

Senator Cotton: "I am looking for a Justice who will make decisions based on the law."

Senator Kennedy: "Sometimes Justices have to uphold the rule of law when it is not popular."

These various statement led me to reflect on my recent post about Judge Jackson's sentencings of persons involved with child pornography, and I realized that Judge Jackson’s critics have not asserted that Judge Jackson failed to follow the sentencing laws set out by Congress.  Through 18 USC § 3553(a), Congress has instructed judges in to impose a sentence "sufficient, but not greater than necessary, to comply with the purposes" of sentencing, and also demands that district judges consider "the need to avoid unwarranted sentence disparities among defendants with similar records who have been found guilty of similar conduct."  Since the Booker ruling made the guidelines advisory, guideline ranges are still to be considered, but only as one of multiple statutory factors in service to a "sentencing judge’s overarching duty under §3553(a) to 'impose a sentence sufficient, but not greater than necessary' to comply with the sentencing purposes set forth in §3553(a)(2)."  Pepper v. US, 562 U.S. 476, 491 (2011).

Senator Hawley reiterated during his opening statement what seems to be his chief concern with Judge Jackson's sentencing efforts: “What concerns me, and I've been very candid about this, is that in every case, in each of these seven, Judge Jackson handed down a lenient sentence that was below what the federal guidelines recommended and below what prosecutors recommended and so I think there’s a lot to talk about there.”  Critically, applicable federal sentencing law does not call upon a judge to follow "what the federal guidelines recommended" or "what prosecutors recommended."  Indeed, a sentencing judge who adhered only to guideline or prosecutorial recommendations would arguably violate a judge's obligation of independence and the express text of the law Congress enacted to guide judges at sentencing.

Of course, "what the federal guidelines recommended" is one of many 3553(a) factors to be considered by sentencing judges and "what prosecutors recommended," though not part of the text of federal sentencing law, can still provide judges with insights concerning the proper application of all the 3553(a) factors.  But, to repeat, those recommendations are not the applicable law: Judge Jackson when on the district court was duty bound, to use Senator Cotton's words, to "make decisions based on the law" which means she had "to 'impose a sentence sufficient, but not greater than necessary' to comply with the sentencing purposes set forth in §3553(a)(2)."  Pepper, 562 U.S. at 491.  To parrot Senators Cornyn's and Kennedy's words, Judge Jackson was required at sentencing "to go where the law commands" and to "uphold the rule of law [even] when it is not popular."  Based on insights from her time on the US Sentencing Commission and her considerable judicial service, Judge Jackson surely understood the importance of all the 3553(a) factors in reaching a sentencing outcome, and nobody has suggested otherwise.

Some prior related coverage:

March 21, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (9)

Thursday, March 17, 2022

Contextualizing Judge Jackson's mainstream sentencing record in federal child porn cases

A tweet stream by Senator Josh Hawley about writings, comments and sentencings by SCOTUS nominee Judge Jackson has kicked off a robust discussion of her attitudes toward sex offenders and those who download child pornography (CP). Senator Hawley's tweets referenced Judge Jackson's law school Note in the Harvard Law Review and questions she asked while on the US Sentencing Commission.  What the Senator references in these tweets struck me as not especially sensational nor ultimately a strong basis for questioning her judicial temperament or philosophy.  But he thereafter discussed Judge Jackson's below-guideline sentencing decisions in CP cases when she served as a federal district judge, and I certainly consider reviews of sentencing decisions to be a fair and sound component of assessing Judge Jackson's record as a jurist.

But, to be truly fair and sound, any review of Judge Jackson's CP sentencings must include proper context regarding the federal sentencing guidelines for CP which are widely recognized as dysfunctional and unduly severe.  As this recent US Sentencing Commission report explains, the CP guideline (2G2.2) "fails to distinguish adequately between more and less severe offenders" (p. 19), and "most courts believe §2G2.2 is generally too severe and does not appropriately measure offender culpability in the typical non-production child pornography case" (p. 22).  With the CP guidelines "too severe" and poorly designed to "measure offender culpability" in the digital age, federal judges nationwide rarely follow them.  Indeed, data in recent (and past) USSC reports document that Judge Jackson's record of imposing below-guideline CP sentences is quite mainstream because: (1) federal judges nationwide typically sentence below the CP guideline in roughly 2 out of 3 cases (p. 23), and (2) federal judges nationwide, when deciding to go below the CP guideline, typically impose sentences around 54 months below the calculated guideline minimum (p. 25).

Reviewing a brief accounting of nine CP cases sentenced by Judge Jackson (which I believe was produced by GOP Senators and/or staff and was forwarded to me), I was first struck by the fact that in a majority of these cases (5 of 9) the prosecution advocated for a below-guideline sentence and in three others the prosecution advocated for only the guideline minimum.  In other words, Judge Jackson was generally sentencing CP defendants in cases in which even the prosecution concluded mitigating factors meant that the guidelines were not a proper benchmark range in light of congressional sentencing purposes.  Notably, the recent USSC report indicates that the government formally moves for a below-range sentence in roughly 1 out of every 5 CP cases (p. 23); it is not clear if prosecutors made formal motions for departures or variances in Judge Jackson's CP cases, but it is clear that in the majority of these cases the prosecutors were the ones who requested a sentence below the CP guidelines.

In the nine cases, Judge Jackson followed the prosecutors' sentencing recommendations in two cases, and sentenced below the prison term suggested by the government in seven others.  One case, US v. Hillie, distorts the average deviation from the prosecutors' recommendations, as the government there sought a sentence of 45 years and Judge Jackson imposed a sentence of "only" 29.5 years. Leaving that case out of the average, in the other eight cases, Judge Jackson's sentence was only about 1.8 years below the recommendation of prosecutors (and about .6 years above the defense recommendations).  In those cases, Judge Jackson did sentence, on average, about 54 months below the calculated guideline minimum, but that degree of reduction from the guideline minimum is almost identical to the national average reduction according to the USSC report (p. 25).

In other words, Judge Jackson's record in these CP cases does show she is quite skeptical of the ranges set by the CP guidelines, but so too were prosecutors in the majority of her cases and so too are district judges nationwide (appointed by presidents of both parties).  I use the word "mainstream" to describe Judge Jackson's sentencing patterns here because they strike me as not at all out of the ordinary; there are surely federal judges who have sentenced CP offenders more harshly, but there are also surely federal judges who have sentenced CP offenders more leniently.  Judge Jackson's sentencing record in CP cases reflects the fundamental flaws of the CP guidelines (and perhaps a relatively mitigated group of offenders she was tasked with sentencing).  As I see it, these cases do not really reveal any kind of unique or uniquely concerning sentencing jurisprudence.

There is more to say on this topic — e.g., I suspect that Judge Jackson's views in these cases were usefully informed by (1) the unanimous bipartisan USSC report authored in 2012 which stressed "the current sentencing scheme results in overly severe guideline ranges for some offenders based on outdated and disproportionate enhancements" and (2) the Justice Department's 2013 follow-up letter that "joined in the call for a critical review of the existing sentencing guidelines for non-production child pornography crimes" — and I suspect we will hear a lot more on this topic in the days ahead.  For now, I will conclude where the title of this post starts: if and when we properly contextualize Judge Jackson's sentencing record in federal child porn cases, it looks pretty mainstream.

March 17, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Sex Offender Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (13)

Pleased to see SCOTUS nomination of Judge Jackson bringing more attention to US Sentencing Commission

As folks gear up for next week's Supreme Court confirmation hearing in the Senate, I have been quite pleased to see a number of recent news stories focused on the US Sentencing Commission and the ways in which nominee Judge Jackson's service on the USSC might impact her work on SCOTUS.  Here is a round-up of the most recent pieces:

From Law360, "Sentencing-Commission Years Prepped Jackson for High-Court Job"

From USA Today, "Supreme Court pick Ketanji Brown Jackson could have 'profound' impact on sentencing"

From the Wall Street Journal, "Once Home to Ketanji Brown Jackson, Sentencing Commission Now Sits Quiet as Issues Go Unresolved"

The last of these pieces effectively reviews the broader concern of the USSC lacking a quorum of Commissioners for many years, while flagging how important this body could and should be while the FIRST STEP Act is still being implemented and there remains considerable bipartisan support for some forms of sentencing reform.  Here is an excerpt from the WSJ piece:

President Biden is in position to appoint the whole commission anew, when there is bipartisan support for making some aspects of federal sentencing less harsh. The president, however, hasn’t yet nominated a slate of commissioners and the White House declined to comment on when he may do so.  “The potential for the commission to do big things with the right set of people is huge,” said New York University law professor Rachel Barkow, a former commissioner.

The commission’s acting chairman and lone member, U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer, said he hopes a new commission will conduct a comprehensive review of the federal guidelines. “Science and evidence has come forward suggesting that lengthy sentences do not necessarily result in community safety,” said Judge Breyer, who will remain on the commission until the end of the year.

UPDATE: Though I wanted this post to focus mostly on the USSC, I figure an afternoon update is justified in light of more notable headlines and articles concerning Judge Jackson history and position as an historic SCOTUS nominee:

From the New York Times, "As Jackson Faces Senators, Her Criminal Defense Record Is a Target"

From The Hill, "Hawley says sentences in 10 child porn cases raise red flags on Supreme Court pick"

From Politico, "Durbin, White House slam emerging GOP attack on KBJ sex offender rulings"

From Forbes, "Americans Support Jackson’s Supreme Court Nomination 2-To-1, Study Finds"

March 17, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (7)

Wednesday, March 16, 2022

US Sentencing Commission publishes 2021 Annual Report and Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing Statistics

I received news via email today that the US Sentencing Commission has now published its 2021 Annual Report and Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing Statistics. Here are the links and highlights that appeared in the USSC email:

FY21 Fast Facts

The Sourcebook presents information on the 57,287 federal offenders sentenced in FY21 (October 1, 2020 through September 30, 2021)—a sentencing caseload that decreased by more than 7,000 from the previous fiscal year.

  • Drug trafficking, immigration, firearms, and fraud crimes together comprised 83% of the federal sentencing caseload in FY21.  
  • Drug trafficking was the most common federal crime type sentenced, accounting for 31% of the caseload. 
  • Immigration cases accounted for the next largest group (30%) but decreased by more than one-third from the number of those cases in FY20. 
  • Methamphetamine continued to be the most common drug type in the federal system, and a steadily growing portion of the drug caseload (up from 31% of drug cases in FY16 to 48% in FY21).
    • In FY21, Fentanyl moved into the top five drug types in the federal caseload. The Commission has added it to the Drug Offenses section of the Sourcebook
  • Methamphetamine trafficking continued to be the most severely punished federal drug crime (90 months).
  • Two-thirds (67%) of drug offenders were convicted of an offense carrying a mandatory minimum penalty, holding steady from the previous year.
  • 69% of federal offenders were sentenced under the Guidelines Manual (either within range or outside the range for departure reasons in the manual). 

Agency Highlights

The Annual Report presents an overview of the Commission's work in FY21.

  • Beginning in FY21 and continuing into FY22, the Commission has operated with only one voting commissioner, lacking the quorum required to promulgate guideline amendments. The Commission’s other statutory duties are unaffected by the lack of four voting commissioners.
  • The Commission published new findings from its largest recidivism study yet—combining Commission and FBI data to study more than 32,000 federal offenders over an 8-year follow-up period.
    • The Commission has now released reports on firearms, drug trafficking, and violent offenders with more reports forthcoming.
  • The Commission also continued to research specific issues of ongoing congressional concern and deliberation—releasing a report on the emerging problem of fentanyl and fentanyl analogues, and two reports updating its 2012 report to Congress on child pornography offenses.
  • In late September 2021, the Commission released the Judiciary Sentencing INformation (JSIN) tool—an online sentencing data resource developed for judges but made available to the public at large. The platform provides quick and easy online access to sentencing data for similarly-situated defendants, including the types of sentences imposed and average and median sentences.
  • In FY21, the Commission conducted 115 virtual training sessions and more than 13,000 individuals attended live, online, or on-demand prerecorded training sessions—a three-fold increase over the number of trainees in a typical year.

March 16, 2022 in Data on sentencing, Detailed sentencing data, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Sunday, March 06, 2022

"Dealing in Lives: Imposition of Federal Life Sentences for Drugs from 1990–2020"

I am extraordinarily pleased and proud to be able spotlight this terrific new research paper authored by Alex Fraga, who serves as a Senior Research Associate at Ohio State's Drug Enforcement and Policy Center (DEPC).  The paper shares the title of this post, and the work is an extraordinary compilation and examination of federal drug life sentence.  Here is the paper's abstract:

The “tough on crime” era of the 1980’s and 1990’s ushered in a growing reliance on prisons, the ratcheting up of sentence lengths, and a broader expansion of the criminal justice system.  Life sentences, historically rarely imposed, became increasingly commonplace in the 1980s through the 2000s, contributing to the ballooning imprisoned population. While there are growing concerns about the increased use of life sentences in the United States, there has been limited empirical study of these sentences.  This report seeks to fill this gap with a particular focus on the federal sentencing system and the imposition of life sentences for drug offenses.  Specifically, the current report documents federal life sentences imposed for drug trafficking over the last three decades, taking a closer look at the defendant and case-specific characteristics, and providing a descriptive account of the factors that are associated with those sentenced to life in prison in federal courts.

At this DEPC webpage, a number of the paper's key findings (and visuals) can be viewed.  Here is the first one:

Key Finding 1:  After record highs in the 1990s and 2000s, the number and rate of life and de facto life sentences imposed have declined significantly over the last decade.

March 6, 2022 in Drug Offense Sentencing, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Scope of Imprisonment | Permalink | Comments (3)

Tuesday, February 22, 2022

Are all three defendants who murdered Ahmaud Arbery now sure to get federal LWOP sentences following federal convictions?

The question in the title of this post is prompted by the federal court news this morning that three Georgia men, after having been tried, convicted and sentenced for 1murdering Ahmaud Arbery in state court, were found guilty on all (factually related but legally distinct) federal charges.  This USA Today piece, headlined "Ahmaud Arbery's killers found guilty of federal hate crimes, may face additional life sentence cover the basics:

A jury found three white men guilty of hate crimes and attempted kidnapping for the 2020 murder of Ahmaud Arbery after determining they targeted him because he was Black.

Father and son Gregory and Travis McMichael and their neighbor William "Roddie" Bryan — all already serving life in prison for Arbery's murder — could each face an additional life sentence. A sentencing date was not set.

The jury found each man guilty of one count of interference with rights and attempted kidnapping. The McMichaels were also convicted of using, carrying and brandishing – and in Travis McMichael’s case, firing – a gun during a crime of violence.

Shortly after the verdict was announced, Arbery’s parents emerged from the courthouse holding hands with attorney Ben Crump. They raised their clasped hands to cheers from supporters....  In a statement, Crump said he and Arbery's family "hope and demand that the severity of their crimes are reflected in the sentencing, as well."

Experts have said the federal convictions are not just a symbolic victory but ensure the defendants will serve prison time even if their state convictions are overturned on appeal. The three men were sentenced in January to life in prison after being convicted on the state murder charges; the McMichaels will not have the possibility for parole.

Hate crimes are rarely prosecuted. In Georgia, just two people were convicted of federal hate crimes from 2005 to 2019, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics. The state did not have its own hate crime legislation until after Arbery's death.

The jury deliberated for about four hours Monday before announcing the verdict, one day before the second anniversary of Arbery's killing....

A plea deal for the McMichaels fell apart days before jury selection began. The McMichaels withdrew their pleas after the judge rejected the initial terms of the deal, under which Travis would have been sentenced to 30 years in federal prison to be served concurrently with his state sentence. Arbery's family strongly opposed the deal in court.

Because the federal judge who rejected the plea deal for the McMichaels, US District Court Judge Lisa Godbey Wood, seemed to indicate that she was troubled that the deal set a 30-year cap on her sentencing authority, I suspect she will now be inclined to give all three defendants life sentences.  In the federal system, of course, there is no parole and so all life sentences are life without parole sentences.  This would be especially significant for William "Roddie" Bryan, who is only serving life with parole as a result of his Georgia state conviction.

I believe that one notable aspect of the now-rejected plea deal was the opportunity for the McMichaels to serve their time in federal prison, which is often viewed as less awful that most state prisons.  I am unsure if these convictions after trial or future sentencing determinations will enable these defendants to serve their time in the federal pen, but I suspect they are still seeking that outcome.

Prior recent related posts:

February 22, 2022 in Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offense Characteristics, Prisons and prisoners | Permalink | Comments (1)

Tuesday, January 25, 2022

"Child Pornography and Criminal Justice Reform"

The title of this post is the title of this notable new article now available via SSRN and authored by Dawinder Sidhu and Kelsey Robinson. Here is its abstract:

Drug offenses lie at the heart of the movement for criminal justice reform, and for good reason.  The defining attributes of prevailing drug policy — severe and disproportionate penalties owning to a retributive, factually flawed, and hurried congressional process — apply to the child pornography context as well.  In this Article, we identify the common issues with drug and child pornography sentencing and outline the doctrinal implications of this shared foundation, especially as to district court discretion to vary under Kimbrough v. United States.

Though drug sentencing is problematic enough, child pornography is arguably worse.  The U.S. Sentencing Commission has disavowed these guidelines and invited judges to vary from them.  Judges have done just that, varying in 63% of all cases, more than any other offense type.  Thus, in this Article, we also suggest how the improvements to this uniquely distressed area of law can inform criminal justice reform more generally, especially as to substantive reasonableness review under Gall v. United States, mandatory minimum sentences, and sunset provisions for penalty levels.

Child pornography is not part of the conversation for criminal justice reform.  We take on child pornography sentencing, and in doing so hope to ensure that the movement for criminal justice reform is both correct and complete.

January 25, 2022 in Booker in district courts, Drug Offense Sentencing, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Gall reasonableness case, Kimbrough reasonableness case, Sex Offender Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Tuesday, January 11, 2022

New paper explores "Reimagining Judging" in the US "after a decades long love affair with prison"

Retired US District Judge Nancy Gertner, who is now teaches at Harvard Law School, has this great new 44-page report titled "Reimagining Judging" released as part of the the Square One Project's Executive Session on the Future of Justice Policy.  This press release and this executive summary provides an overview of the report, but my post title draws on this passage from the report that helps frame how Judge Gertner approaches this critical project:

Countless papers have been written about the perils of unstructured discretion — discrimination and bias chief among them (Frankel 1973).  But I want to raise another issue: The unique problem of giving judges discretion in sentencing at this moment in time, after a decades long love affair with prison.  How can judges who have been schooled in the extraordinarily punitive system that produced mass incarceration for the past thirty years suddenly operate in a system that — one hopes — will reflect wholly different premises?  How can a judicial system based on one set of assumptions suddenly enact or apply a wholly different approach?  These are precisely the same questions we have asked of police, correctional officers, and prosecutors in a changed criminal legal system.  Is change possible in juvenile correctional facilities that reflected hard-nosed punishment, too often accompanied by physical and sexual abuse scandals?  Is change possible with police schooled to be warriors, not guardians?  Although surprising at first blush, assuming that law-following judges will enforce such institutional changes — much like with these other actors — is not enough.

In this paper, I touch first on judicial resistance to recent modest criminal law reforms, one example of what I have described elsewhere as the phenomenon of “the habits of mass incarceration” (Gertner 2020).  Then I sketch out — very briefly — the factors that make judges resistant to change: constraints that apparently limit a judge’s horizons, cognitive influences that they ignore, and political pressures that are unexamined.  Finally, I propose a way to effect change — a very preliminary suggestion.

Several caveats: I am generalizing from my experiences from 17 years in the federal system.  This is not an empirical paper.  Not all judges fit these descriptions.  Nor is this paper about what needs to be changed in the broader criminal legal system; others are dealing with those profound and overarching questions.  Finally, the message here is not that judicial change is impossible, only that it is difficult.  Any “reimagining project” must take judicial impediments to change into account; this paper considers how to revamp the criminal legal system through the lens of those who must apply that system’s rules.

January 11, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Recommended reading, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (2)

Monday, January 10, 2022

Spotlighting guideline circuit split, two Justices express "hope" US Commission will be back "in near future"

The Supreme Court issued this lengthy order list this morning which, as is typical, is mostly full of lots and lots of denials of certiorari. The Justices granted review in three cases (one involving habeas procedure) and called for the Solicitor General's views in two other cases.  But, at the very end of the 24-page order list without much of interest for sentencing fans, was a notable short statement by Justice Sotomayor, joined by Justice Barrett, respecting the denial of certiorari in Guerrant v. US, No. 21-5099. Here are highlights:

This petition implicates a split among the Courts of Appeals over the proper definition of a “controlled substance offense,” and, accordingly, over which defendants qualify as career offenders.... Defendants in [most Circuits] qualify as career offenders for federal sentencing purposes even if their only prior offenses involved substances not prohibited under federal law. As a result, they are subject to far higher terms of imprisonment for the same offenses as compared to defendants similarly situated in the Second or Ninth Circuits.

It is the responsibility of the Sentencing Commission to address this division to ensure fair and uniform application of the Guidelines. Cf. Braxton v. United States, 500 U.S. 344, 348 (1991).  In March 2021, I wrote concerning an unresolved Circuit split over the proper interpretation of a Guideline. See Longoria v. United States, 592 U. S. ___. The Sentencing Commission lacked a quorum of voting members then, and it still does today.  At this point, the Sentencing Commission has not had a quorum for three full years.  As the instant petition illustrates, the resultant unresolved divisions among the Courts of Appeals can have direct and severe consequences for defendants’ sentences. I hope in the near future the Commission will be able to resume its important function in our criminal justice system.

I am intrigued and pleased to see Justice Barrett now joining Justice Sotomayor in flagging the need for a functioning US Sentencing Commission to address problematic circuit splits.  But it bears noting that plenty of circuit splits, including this one, pre-date the USSC's loss of a quorum.  Even when fully functioning, the USSC has never been able to resolve all challenging circuit conflicts, and I share Dawinder Sidhu's view that we should all "be troubled by the court’s refusal to review conflicts involving the federal sentencing guidelines." (See full article here.) 

I think it is the responsibility of the USSC and SCOTUS to help "ensure fair and uniform application of the Guidelines."  And, as Justice Sotomayor notes, we are now a full three years into a quorum-less Commission and still do not even have Commissioner nominees.  Moreover, even if Prez Biden were to nominate new Commissioners in the next few weeks (which seems unlikely) and the Senate were to confirm those nominees quickly (which seems unlikely), a new Commission could not "fix" this broken guideline until Nov 2022 at the earliest (and Nov 2023 or later is much more realistic).  But SCOTUS could, and arguably should, "solve" this issue and others with a per curiam opinion that advances consistency for the time being subject to future review by a future Commission.

Because the Supreme Court has largely abdicated its role in guideline interpretation for over three decades now, I am not surprised that it is not now trying to fill the gap created by a quorum-less Commission.  But I wish there were more than just a couple of Justices willing to do a lot more than just talk up their "hope" that another part of the federal judiciary would be able to soon help advance sentencing justice. 

January 10, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Sentences Reconsidered, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (15)

Saturday, January 08, 2022

"Count the Code: Quantifying Federalization of Criminal Statutes"

SR-count-the-code-charts-page6The title of this post is the title of this fascinating new Heritage Foundation report authored by GianCarlo Canaparo, Patrick McLaughlin, Jonathan Nelson and Liya Palagashvili. Here is the report's summary and "key takeaways":

SUMMARY

The authors have developed an algorithm to quantify the number of statutes within the U.S. Code that create one or more federal crimes.  As of 2019, we found 1,510 statutes that create at least one crime.  This represents an increase of nearly 36 percent relative to the 1,111 statutes that created at least one crime in 1994.  Although the algorithm cannot precisely count discrete crimes within sections, we estimate the number of crimes contained within the Code as of 2019 at 5,199.  These findings support the conclusion that the number of federal crimes has increased, while also bolstering concerns that federal crimes are too diffuse, too numerous, and too vague for the average citizen to know what the law requires.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

  • This study quantifies the number of federal statutes that create a crime and estimates 5,199 federal crimes within the United States Code.
  • From 1994 to 2019, the number of sections that create a federal crime increased 36 percent.
  • Because many of these crimes apply to conduct no rational person would expect to be a crime, the government is potentially turning average Americans into criminals.

This report, and its useful but brief discussion of the "Relationship Between Federalization of Crime and Federal Prisoners" which includes the graphic reprinted above, got me to thinking about how hard it would be to effectively quantify and assess changes in federal sentencing law over the last 35 years since the passage of the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984.  I was thinking about this challenge because, based on a quick read, I cannot quite tell if the algorithm used in this study picked up only federal statutes that created new crimes or also captured statutes that only changed the penalties for existing crimes (which happens fairly often).

Notably, from 1984 through 2009, most new federal sentencing laws enacted by Congress increased statutory penalties (often in complicated ways).  But the 2010 Fair Sentencing Act and the 2018 FIRST STEP Act serve as recent examples lowering statutory penalties (also in complicated ways).  And then, of course, starting in the late 1980s, federal law was significantly shaped by yearly federal sentencing guideline changes, some of which were directed by Congress.  There have been over 800 guideline amendments, some minor (and mandatory before 2005), others major (and advisory after 2005), some even retroactive.  And, thanks to Apprendi-Booker, ACCA interpretations and other jurisprudential messes, the Supreme Court and lower federal courts have been "changing" federal sentencing law in various significant ways almost continuously over this period.

January 8, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offense Characteristics, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (4)

Wednesday, January 05, 2022

Making the case, because "upper-class offenders ... might be even more reprehensible," for a severe sentence for Elizabeth Holmes

Former federal prosecutor Barbara McQuade has this notable MSNBC opinion piece that makes a full-throated argument for throwing the book ay former Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes. I recommend the piece in full, and here are excerpts:

Some people steal money with guns.  Other people steal money with lies.  In a court of law, they’re all crooks. But not all crooks are treated the same by the justice system, a fact Elizabeth Holmes may be counting on when it comes to her sentencing....  White-collar criminals like Holmes may not get their hands dirty in the traditional sense, but their conduct is no less criminal than a stickup in an alley.  In fact, upper-class offenders like Holmes might be even more reprehensible; while street crime is often motivated by need, white-collar crime is usually motivated by greed....

The government quantified Holmes’ investor fraud, arguing it amounted to more than $140 million, a figure that will largely influence her eventual sentence. Federal sentencing guidelines consider a number of factors, including the amount of money involved in the scheme. Based on that number, as well as enhancements and the sophistication of her scheme, Holmes is likely looking at a sentence between 14 and 17 years.

Sentencing is a key inflection point for disparities in the criminal justice system.  But will a judge actually give Holmes a 15-year sentence? Holmes’ defense attorneys, like the attorneys of many criminals before her, will certainly try to argue that the sentencing guidelines in white-collar cases are simply “too high.”  This argument has worked with judges in the past, and high-priced attorneys know that judges can reduce the sentence considerably in a fraud case, as long as they articulate a good reason. (Unlike in criminal cases involving drugs or guns, for example, Holmes does not face a mandatory minimum sentence.)...

Perhaps because judges see offenders who look like them or who share similar backgrounds, they often bite on the argument that sentences for white-collar crimes should be something less than the guidelines range.  I have heard defense attorneys argue that their clients have already been punished enough through societal shame.  You can imagine one of these white-collar defendants lamenting to his lawyer that he can’t even walk through the country club dining room without getting a nasty look from a fellow member.

The other advantage white-collar defendants enjoy at sentencing is their ability to showcase a life of good deeds and letters of support.  An upper-income defendant can often point to service on boards or donations to charitable causes as mitigating factors.  Here again we find problematic disparities baked into the justice system: A low-income defendant lacks the resources to amass anything resembling that kind of track record.  Similarly, while a defendant like Holmes can likely find prominent people to write her letters of support, a defendant lacking her resources usually also lacks the connections needed to mount a similar campaign.

Another argument often made by defense attorneys in white-collar cases is that incarcerating their clients would be a waste of resources because they pose no threat to public safety.  This may be true, but the federal sentencing statute provides that the purpose of sentencing also includes deterrence and just punishment.  Deterrence is especially important in white-collar cases because these are crimes that are carefully planned. No one commits investor fraud in the heat of passion. If defendants who perpetrate massive fraud can get away with a slap on the wrist, then others will calculate that it is worth the gamble to do the same.  A strong sentence in white-collar cases can provide an important data point in that calculation. And fraud is not an inherently victimless crime.

As we think about ways to address racial and economic disparities in the criminal justice system, we should consider not only the disproportionately long sentences that are imposed on street criminals.  We should also consider the paltry ones that are meted out to the wealthy.  We will find out soon enough how Elizabeth Holmes’ sentence does or does not contribute to this pattern.

Because I do not think all that many federal defendants (even "wealthy" ones) actually do get "paltry" sentences — unless and until they cut a special deal with a federal prosecutor, see, e.g., Jeffrey Epstein's first pass — I think we generally need to worry a whole lot more about disproportionately long federal sentences than about problematically short ones.  Still, this commentary  does usefully highlights how advantaged defendants are often better able to present mitigating sentencing factors than disadvantages ones.  For me, that provides a reason for the system to work harder to help the disadvantaged, not a reason to slam the advantaged.  As I expressed in an article nearly 15 years ago, it always worries me when an emphasis on sentencing consistency  fuels "a leveling up dynamic"  that pushes sentences to be more consistently harsh.

Prior related post:

January 5, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Purposes of Punishment and Sentencing, Race, Class, and Gender | Permalink | Comments (8)

Monday, January 03, 2022

Elizabeth Holmes convicted on 4 of 11 fraud charges ... but now can be sentenced on all and more

The high-profile fraud trial of Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes resulting in a mixed verdict, but her conviction on four counts each with 20-year maximums means that she now faces up to eight decades in federal prison. And, as regular readers know, her acquittal/non-conviction on various charges do not preclude the federal judge at sentencing from considering evidence associated with those charges.  This short New York Times piece, headlined "What happens next to Elizabeth Holmes," provides some details about what may lie ahead:

Elizabeth Holmes, the founder of the failed blood testing start-up Theranos, now awaits sentencing after being found guilty of four of 11 charges of fraud on Monday.

Ms. Holmes, 37, left the San Jose, Calif., courtroom through a side door after the verdict was read in the case, which was closely scrutinized as a commentary on Silicon Valley. She was found guilty of three counts of wire fraud and one count of conspiracy to commit wire fraud. She was found not guilty on four other counts. The jury was unable to reach a verdict on three counts, which were set aside for later.

After the verdict was read, defense and prosecution lawyers discussed plans for Ms. Holmes’s sentencing, the status of her probation and the fate of the three hung charges. Judge Edward J. Davila of the Northern District of California, who oversaw the case, said he planned to declare a mistrial on those charges, which the government could choose to retry. The parties agreed that Ms. Holmes would not be taken into custody on Monday.

A sentencing date is expected to be set at a hearing on the three hung charges next week. Ms. Holmes can appeal the conviction, her sentence or both. She will also be interviewed by the U.S. Probation Office as it prepares a pre-sentence report....

Each count of wire fraud carries up to 20 years in prison, though Ms. Holmes is unlikely to receive the maximum sentence because she has no prior convictions, said Neama Rahmani, the president of the West Coast Trial Lawyers and a former federal prosecutor.

But he said her sentence was likely to be on the higher end because of the amount of the money involved. Ms. Holmes raised $945 million for Theranos during the start-up’s lifetime and those investments were ultimately wiped out.

Given the amount of loss and other factors likely to lead to upward guideline adjustment, Holmes is sure to face a very high guideline sentencing range (perhaps a range as high as life imprisonment). But her lack of criminal history and other potential mitigating personal factors leads me to expect her to receive a below-guideline sentence. But exactly what that sentence might be (and what the parties will argue for) will be interesting to following in the months ahead.

January 3, 2022 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Offense Characteristics, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, White-collar sentencing | Permalink | Comments (11)

Thursday, December 30, 2021

"How the Economic Loss Guideline Lost its Way, and How to Save It"

I have been overdue in blogging about this recent article which shares the title of this post and was published earlier this year in the Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law.  This piece was authored by Barry Boss and Kara Kapp, and it is still very timely as we think about priority concerns for a new US Sentencing Commission (whenever it gets members).  In addition, the enduring issues discussed in this article could soon become a focal point of a very high-profile sentencing if a jury brings back fraud convictions against Elizabeth Holmes.  Here is this article's introduction:

This Article revisits a stubborn problem that has been explored by commentators repeatedly over the past thirty years, but which remains unresolved to this day.  The economic crimes Guideline, Section 2B1.1 of the United States Sentencing Manual, routinely recommends arbitrary, disproportionate, and often draconian sentences to first-time offenders of economic crimes.  These disproportionate sentences are driven primarily by Section 2B1.1’s current loss table, which has an outsized role in determining the length of an economic crime offender’s sentence.  Moreover, this deep flaw in the Guideline’s design has led many judges to lose confidence entirely in the Guideline’s recommended sentences, leading to a wide disparity of sentences issued to similarly situated economic crime offenders across the country.  Accordingly, this Guideline has failed to address the primary problem it was designed to solve — unwarranted disparities among similarly situated offenders.  Worse still, it not only has failed to prevent such unwarranted disparities, its underlying design actively exacerbates them.  In the wake of the United States Sentencing Commission’s recent launch of its Interactive Data Analyzer in June 2020, the authors have identified new evidence that this pernicious problem continues to persist.

In Part I, we review the history and purposes of the Sentencing Guidelines, generally, and the economic crimes Guideline specifically.  In Part II, we explain how the current version of the economic crimes Guideline operates in practice, the extraordinarily high sentences it recommends in high-loss cases, and the resulting overemphasis on loss that overstates offenders’ culpability.  In Part III, we analyze data made available through the Commission’s Interactive Data Analyzer and discuss our findings.  In Part IV, we offer a series of reforms designed to restore the judiciary’s and practitioners’ respect for this Guideline so that it may serve its animating purpose — to reduce unwarranted sentencing disparities among similarly situated offenders

December 30, 2021 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offense Characteristics, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Purposes of Punishment and Sentencing, White-collar sentencing | Permalink | Comments (0)

Wednesday, December 29, 2021

"How Much Prison Time Could Ghislaine Maxwell Serve After Sex Trafficking Conviction?"

The question in the title of this post is the headline of this new Newsweek article that explores a bit what I started thinking about upon hearing that Ghislaine Maxwell, Jeffrey Epstein's "helper," had been convicted on five of six federal sex trafficking charges.  The simple technical answer to the question is 65 years, and the article provides these (helpful?) additional details:

The most serious charge Maxwell was convicted of, sex trafficking of a minor, carries a maximum prison sentence of 40 years.  She was also convicted of transporting a minor with the intent to engage in illegal sexual activity, a charge punishable by up to 10 years, as well as three other charges that each carry maximum sentences of five years.... It is unclear when she could be tried on two separate counts of perjury, which could also add a five-year sentence apiece.

[I]f 60-year-old Maxwell is given a sentence anywhere near the maximum allowable term, she may spend the rest of her life behind bars, especially since the federal prison system does not include parole. If federal prison sentencing guidelines are allowed and she is ordered to serve sentences concurrently, Maxwell could face as little as 10 years.

Maxwell was sent back to Brooklyn's Metropolitan Detention Center after the verdict was read on Wednesday.  She has been held at the facility in isolation since being arrested in July 2020. Maxwell is likely to remain there until she is sentenced and assigned to a federal prison....

It is unclear whether security measures for Maxwell will be altered in light of her convictions.  Maxwell has denied all of the charges that she was convicted of on Wednesday. Plans to launch an appeal have already been set in motion, her attorney Bobbi Sternheim told reporters after the verdict. "We firmly believe in Ghislaine's innocence," Sternheim said. "Obviously we are very disappointed with the verdict, we have already started working on the appeal and we are confident that she will be vindicated."

U.S. District Judge Alison Nathan has yet to announce the date of Maxwell's pending sentencing hearing.

I think this article means to make the point that if federal sentencing guidelines are followed (not "allowed"), then Maxwell would be quite likely to get a term lower than the 65-year  statutory maximum available.  (It is perhaps worth noting that the most serious count of conviction now carries a statutory maximum sentence of life, but the stat max was "only" 40 years at the time of Maxwell's offense conduct.)

I am not an expert on guideline calculations for this set of offenses, but my sense is that the recommend range will be at least as high as 20 years, and perhaps even much higher.  It will be interesting to see the precise calculation and the sentencing advocacy by the prosecution and the defense in the months ahead.  It will also be interesting to watch if Judge Nathan's nomination to the Second Circuit, or the effort by some GOP Senators to question her sentencing work, could come to somehow impact Maxwell's eventual sentencing.

December 29, 2021 in Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Offense Characteristics, Sex Offender Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (11)

Tuesday, December 28, 2021

Signing of NDAA into law brings some (low profile) federal sentencing reform to the military justice system

Who says significant federal sentencing reform cannot makes its way though Congress these days?  As this week proved, as long as a reform involves a relatively small and low-profile part of the federal justice system, and especially if it is part of a must-pass/must-sign National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), federal sentencing reform can become law without even a peep in the press.  Indeed, I would be entirely unaware that Prez Biden's signing of the NDAA was worthy of this blog post, but for a helpful colleague ensuring I did not miss the sentencing piece of the military justice reform story in this year's NDAA.

Of course, as can be found in various press pieces, there was considerable attention given to one high-profile piece of military justice reform in the NDAA: "Democrats applauded provisions in the bill overhauling how the military justice system handles sexual assault and other related crimes, effectively taking prosecutorial jurisdiction over such crimes out of the hands of military commanders."  But, as this Just Security piece laments, the new law only makes "piecemeal changes" in this arena, because "the FY22 NDAA military justice reform provisions transfer only a narrow class of crimes out of the chain of command and into the hands of military lawyers under their respective service secretaries."  Helpfully, in addition to giving extensive critical attention to the high-profile reforms of the NDAA, this Just Security piece also just summarizes the sentencing story:

Revolutionizes military sentencing. The NDAA mandates that sentencing for all non-capital offenses be conducted by military judges instead of the current practice, which allows for panel (jury) sentencing.  It provides for offense-based sentencing, as opposed to the current unitary model (imposing a single sentence for all offenses) and directs that non-binding sentencing guidelines be created. This sentencing reform is a much-needed step forward, though it leaves in place the only criminal justice system in the United States that tolerates non-unanimous votes to convict, a practice the U.S. Supreme Court found unconstitutional for states last year. 

Because I tend to be a fan of jury sentencing, but this press article from a few months ago, headlined "'Crapshoot' Sentencing by Court-Martial Juries Likely to End, Advocates for New Legislation Say," highlights the disparity problems it seemed to produce in the military system:

Court-martial sentencing by juries may go the way of flogging, a change many military justice experts say is long overdue. Military judges instead would hand down sentences based on federal guidelines as part of military justice system reforms proposed in the 2022 National Defense Authorization Act....

Supporters say the revision would make sentences in military trials fairer, as well as more consistent and predictable.  "People convicted of sexual assault, one guy gets five years, the other guy gets no confinement," Don Christensen[, a former Air Force prosecutor and president of Protect Our Defenders,] said. "In drug cases, you'd also see huge disparities with no justification. With shaken baby cases, sentences were all over the place."

Military defendants currently may choose whether a judge or a jury, called a "panel," decides their cases, including sentencing.  Military jurors have little experience, context or guidance when determining sentences, Christensen said.  That is magnified by the fact that under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, jurors' sentences can range from no punishment all the way to lengthy prison terms, he added....

Proposals to end it in the military date to at least 1983. The Pentagon proposed an overhaul in 2016, but the idea was dropped.

Critically, in addition to shifting sentencing from juries to judges, the new NDAA calls for the creation of "sentencing parameters" and "sentencing criteria" to guide military judges with "no fewer than 5 and no more than 12 offense categories."  These new parameters and criteria are to be created by a "Military Sentencing Parameters and Criteria Board" with five members, all judges, within the next two years.  In other words, a brand new set of (more simple) federal sentencing guidelines are due to be created for the military justice system.  All sentencing fans should be sure to keep an eye on this process, and one can hope that it might provide some useful lessons for reform to the civilian federal justice system.

December 28, 2021 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Offense Characteristics, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (2)

Monday, December 27, 2021

Early preview of SCOTUS cases considering criminal convictions for doctors opioid prescribing practices

I briefly noted the interesting federal criminal drug cases that the Supreme Court took up in early November in this post.  With the top-side briefs now being submitted to SCOTUS, this local press article, headlined "U.S. Supreme Court will hear case of Alabama doctor who prescribed powerful opioids," provides a somewhat fuller preview. Here are excerpts:

Justices on the U.S. Supreme Court have agreed to hear the appeal of an Alabama pain doctor convicted of running a pill mill, a case that could change how federal prosecutors handle opioid cases.  A federal judge in 2017 sentenced Dr. Xiulu Ruan of Mobile to 21 years in prison for several charges including drug distribution and money laundering related to operations at Physicians Pain Specialists of Alabama.  Ruan appealed his conviction last year to the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals but lost.  The U.S. Supreme Court agreed earlier this year to hear Ruan’s appeal.

The doctor claims his prescriptions of fentanyl and other opioids were supposed to help patients with severe pain.  In a brief, his lawyers said physicians should not risk arrest and prosecution for unconventional treatments when other approaches have failed.  In Ruan’s case, he prescribed fentanyl approved for patients with cancer pain to people suffering from back, neck and joint pain, according to the U.S. Department of Justice....

Ruan’s appeal has been consolidated with another case, Dr. Shakeel Kahn, who practiced in Arizona and Wyoming.  Both men were found guilty of violating the federal Controlled Substances Act and said juries were not allowed to consider a “good faith” defense, which is aimed at protecting doctors trying to help patients.  The supreme court could uphold his conviction or send his case back to trial.

Ruan’s criminal trial lasted seven weeks in 2017 and featured testimony from patients who supported the doctor and family members who said loved ones received dangerous doses of addictive painkillers.  Prosecutors acknowledged that many patients received good care at the two clinics, but said some prescriptions fell far outside the norm.  Ruan and another practitioner at the clinic, Dr. John Patrick Couch, were among the nation’s top prescribers of fentanyl painkillers.  Couch was also convicted and sentenced to 20 years in prison.  He has also appealed his case.

In its response, attorneys for the U.S. Department of Justice said Ruan prescribed much higher rates of opioids than other doctors and earned more than $4 million as a result. Ruan and his partner issued almost 300,000 prescriptions for controlled substances, they wrote. Prosecutors said Ruan had deep ties to drug companies that created fentanyl medications. After his conviction, they seized assets that included exotic cars, residential and commercial property....

In his brief, Ruan’s attorney wrote that Physicians Pain Specialists of Alabama did not operate as pill mills. The clinics only accepted patients with insurance, refused cash payment and used diagnostic tools to find the sources of patients’ pain.  Only patients with intractable pain received fentanyl, Ruan testified at his trial. “He also testified that the medication was a ‘lifesaver’ for patients who would otherwise ‘have to go to [the] ER’ during such an episode,” the brief said.

Pain patients have criticized crackdowns on pain clinics and doctors.  Compassion & Choices, an organization that advocates for dying patients, submitted a brief in support of Ruan. “Medical practitioners prescribing opioids to such patients in good faith are not drug pushers under the Act,” according to the Compassion & Choices brief.  “Practitioners thus should not have to suffer the specter of criminal liability simply for treating such patients at such a vulnerable, critical, and private time in their lives.”...

Arguments in Ruan’s case are scheduled for March 1, 2022.

The briefing in Ruan v. US, No. 20-1410, is available at this SCOTUSblog link, and the brief from the defense sets up the issue this way in its Introduction:

To ensure that licensed medical professionals do not risk criminal prosecution and felony conviction based on simple malpractice, nearly all courts, construing the CSA and the implementing regulations, require that the government prove that the physician lacked a good faith basis for her prescription.  See Pet. 4-5, 18-27.  But not the Eleventh Circuit. According to the court of appeals, a doctor may be convicted under the CSA if her prescription fell outside of professional norms — without regard to whether she believed in good faith that the prescription served a bona fide medical purpose.  That outlier position, if sustained, would result in the kind of “sweeping expansion of federal criminal jurisdiction” that this Court has repeatedly condemned. Kelly v. United States, 140 S. Ct. 1565, 1574 (2020) (quoting Cleveland v. United States, 531 U.S. 12, 24 (2000)); see also Bond v. United States, 572 U.S. 844, 862-865 (2014). It would also chill medical progress, disrupt the doctor-patient relationship, and criminalize prescriptions whenever a lay jury is persuaded that the physician exceeded the “usual” practice of medicine.

Though these cases are formally about the standards for criminal liability for these doctors, there are sentencing stories lurking here.  First, of course, are the high sentencing stakes for any doctors found guilty of illegal drug distribution.  Decades-long federal sentences are common — but not at all consistent as Prof Adam M. Gershowitz has detailed — and local press indicates federal prosecutors wanted sentences considerably longer than the two decades given to Drs. Ruan and Couch.  But why might such extreme prison terms be needed, given that, once these doctors lose their prescribing licenses, they are functionally unable to repeat their crimes and their risk of recidivism is very low at their age?  Simply put, some vision of retribution must be driving the severity of the sense, especially since deterrence of doctors is likely achieved by any criminal prosecutions and over-deterrence seems like a real risk here.

In the end, the fact that the sentencing stakes are so high likely helps explain why these cases got the Supreme Court's attention.  And the debate over the whether the law requires proving a lack of good faith would, in a sense, get the the heart of the retributivist question of just how blameworthy these doctors really are.  For all those reasons (and others), when oral argument takes place in a couple months, I will be interested to see if any Justices bring up any of the sentencing issues lurking beneath these cases. 

Prior related post:

December 27, 2021 in Drug Offense Sentencing, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Offense Characteristics, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Purposes of Punishment and Sentencing | Permalink | Comments (1)

Monday, December 20, 2021

Despite lacking a quorum, US Sentencing Commission still has an interesting and productive year

Regular readers are likely tired of hearing me complain about the US Sentencing Commission being crippled by a lack of Commissioners, but I hope some have noted my eagerness to compliment the "short-staffed" USSC for all the data and reports produced and promulgated through 2021.  This morning I received an email from the Commission providing a "year in review," and I was struck again at what the Commission has achieved this past year even absent a quorum.  I cannot find this email in a web form, so I will here just reproduce some highlights (with links from the USSC and to the USSC website):

1. Preliminary FY21 data reveal a continued decline in sentencings and a historic shift in the makeup of the federal drug caseload. Learn more ...
2. With the advent of COVID-19, tens of thousands of offenders sought compassionate release. The Commission tracked and reported this data throughout 2021. Learn more

In early 2022, look for a comprehensive new research report on compassionate release providing even greater analysis regarding the courts’ reasoning for granting or denying motions for compassionate release....

6. The Commission expanded its catalog of interactive tools designed for those working in the federal criminal justice system.
IDA Expansion: Interactive Data Analyzer feedback has been very positive and users continue to #AskIDA for even more data. The Commission has listened to your feedback. IDA is now updated with enhanced filtering capabilities—including a brand new data filter for career offenders. Learn more

JSIN Development: The Judiciary Sentencing INformation (JSIN) platform is an online sentencing data resource specifically developed with the needs of judges in mind. The platform provides quick and easy online access to average prison length and other sentencing data for similarly-situated defendants. Learn more

December 20, 2021 in Data on sentencing, Detailed sentencing data, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (1)

Saturday, December 18, 2021

Lots of new January 6 riot sentencings producing lots of notable new headlines and sentencing stories

In this post about a week ago, I flagged this CNN piece reporting on the first 50 sentences imposed on those convicted for federal crimes as part of the January 6 riot.  That article noted that sentences were still forthcoming in the most serious cases; one such case was sentenced yesterday setting a new "record" as reported in this Washington Post article headlined "Fla. man sentenced to 5 years for attacking police, the longest Jan. 6 riot sentence yet."  Technically, the WaPo headline is off, as the defendant got sentenced to 63 months, and I am not too keen on at least one element accounting for the severity of this sentence: 

Robert S. Palmer, 54, of Largo, Fla., pleaded guilty in October to assaulting law enforcement officers with a dangerous weapon, and his original plea agreement called for a sentencing range of 46 to 57 months.  But after his plea, and his entry into the D.C. jail, Palmer arranged to make an online fundraising plea in which he said he did “go on the defense and throw a fire extinguisher at the police” after being shot with rubber bullets and tear gas.

That was a lie, Palmer admitted Friday.  He had thrown a fire extinguisher — twice — a large plank and then a four-to-five-foot pole at police before he was struck with one rubber bullet.  The falsehood indicated a failure to accept responsibility for his actions, prosecutors argued, and when U.S. District Judge Tanya S. Chutkan agreed, she increased his sentencing range to 63 to 78 months, ultimately imposing a 63-month term.

Based on the rest of the WaPo article, it seems as of the day of sentencing Palmer had truly accepted responsibility.  Though it is understandable that prosecutors and the sentencing judge may have considered previous statements trying to minimize his culpability as undercutting his claims of remorse, I find it troubling that Palmer ends up facing 1 to 2 years longer in a cage simply for a few stupid comments while trying to raise money for his defense.  I have long thought some prosecutors and judges are too eager to deny acceptance of responsibility credit under the guidelines based on a defendant's dumb statement or two, and this case highlights the stakes potentially involved in doing so.

Palmer's sentence, because of its length, generated the most recent January 6 sentencing headlines.  But I saw a few more notable headlines and stories this past week that seemed worth rounding up here:

"Judge: Lack of charges for Trump over Jan. 6 is no basis for leniency for others"

"New York man sentenced to nearly 3 years in prison for threatening Sen. Raphael Warnock"

"Judge goes beyond prosecutors' request with sentence for Jan. 6 couple"

"Jan. 6 riot ‘not patriotism’ judge says in sentencing Ga. man"

"UK student gets 30-day sentence for involvement in Jan. 6 Capitol riot"

"Federal judge ordered Fort Pierce man to serve probation for activities at U.S. Capitol Jan. 6"

"Guardsman in Jan. 6 Mob Gets Probation, Still Serving in the Guard"

December 18, 2021 in Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing | Permalink | Comments (36)

Thursday, December 16, 2021

Though guidelines recommend federal LWOP sentence for Derek Chauvin, plea deal provides for concurrent sentence between 20 and 25 years

I just got a chance to look at the high-profile federal plea agreement entered yesterday in US District Court in Minnesota in US v ChauvinThis Justice Department press release sets out the basics of the plea and the sentencing particulars:

The Justice Department announced [on December 15] that Derek Chauvin, 45, pleaded guilty in federal court to two violations of a federal civil rights statute.

First, defendant Chauvin pleaded guilty to willfully depriving, while acting under color of law, George Floyd of his constitutional rights, resulting in Mr. Floyd’s bodily injury and death. Defendant Chauvin also agreed that the appropriate sentencing base offense level for this crime is second-degree murder because he used unreasonable and excessive force that resulted in Mr. Floyd’s death, and he acted willfully and in callous and wanton disregard of the consequences to Mr. Floyd’s life.

Second, defendant Chauvin pleaded guilty to willfully depriving, while acting under color of law, a then 14-year-old juvenile of his constitutional rights, resulting in the juvenile’s bodily injury....

Defendant Chauvin pleaded guilty [on December 15] before U.S. District Court Senior Judge Paul A. Magnuson.  Defendant Chauvin will be sentenced at a hearing to be scheduled at a later date.  According to the plea agreement, defendant Chauvin faces a sentence of between 20- and 25-years imprisonment.  Under the terms of the plea agreement, defendant Chauvin will serve his sentence in federal custody and will not be eligible to work in any law enforcement capacity following his release.

It is notable, but perhaps unsurprising, that the DOJ press release does not highlight why the terms of Chauvin's plea in fact amount to a pretty good deal given the federal sentencing realities he was facing.  In the wake of his state convictions, Chauvin's federal conviction was a near certainty; as his plea agreement details, here is the likely guideline calculation for Chauvin's offenses: "the defendant's adjusted offense level is 43 and ... [thus] the advisory guideline range is life imprisonment."

Despite the guidelines recommending a federal LWOP sentence, federal prosecutors agreed for Chauvin to a plea deal that binds the federal sentencing judge to these terms (as specified in this Rule 11(c)(1)(C) plea): 

The Court should impose a sentence of imprisonment of no less than 240 months and no greater than 300 months (expected to serve no less than 204 months and no greater than 255 months, assuming all goodtime credit);...

The Court, pursuant to U.S.S.G. § 5G1.3(b)(2), should order that the sentence of imprisonment imposed in this case be served concurrent to the 270-month sentence imposed in State of Minnesota v. Derek Chauvin,No. 27-CR- 20-I2646 (expected to serve approximately 178 months, assuming all good-time credit); and

At sentencing, the Court, pursuant to U.S.S.G. § 5G1.3(b)(1), should adjust the sentence for any period of imprisonment/incarceration already served....

I can understand all sorts of reasons for the feds to accept these plea terms, and the agreement notes "the United States intends to advocate for a sentence of 300 months" and that the "agreed sentence is based on the parties' consideration of the sentencing factors set forth in 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a)."  Still, I thought it worth highlighting that this especially notable case is yet another where it seems everyone agrees that the guidelines do not actually guide toward a proper sentence.

A few prior related posts:

December 16, 2021 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Offender Characteristics, Offense Characteristics | Permalink | Comments (6)

Tuesday, December 14, 2021

Death threats to Speaker Pelosi leads to 28-month (below guideline, above plea deal) federal sentence

This Politico article reports on a notable federal sentencing today under this full headline: "QAnon follower gets 28-month sentence for death threats to Pelosi: Judge says continuing election-fraud rhetoric from Republican politicians makes defendant an ongoing threat."  Here are some of the details:

A QAnon follower from Georgia who brought an arsenal of weapons to Washington just after the Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol was sentenced Tuesday to 28 months in prison for making crude threats to kill Speaker Nancy Pelosi and D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser.

Cleveland Meredith Jr., 53, missed then-President Donald Trump’s Jan. 6 rally due to trouble with his truck, but was arrested the following day at a hotel near the Capitol after family members alerted the FBI to threatening text messages he’d sent. In a trailer outside the hotel, police found a pistol, an assault rifle and about 2,500 rounds of ammunition, as well as a telescoping gun-sight....

With credit for the more than 11 months he has already served at a D.C. jail facility since his arrest plus good behavior credit, Meredith is likely to spend roughly another 14 months in federal prison before being released....

During a sentencing hearing that spanned more than three hours, Jackson read aloud the series of texts Meredith sent during a drive from Colorado to D.C. and after he arrived in Washington. “Thinking about heading over to Pelosi [expletive]’s speech and putting a bullet in her noggin on Live TV,” Meredith wrote in a message to his uncle on Jan. 7.  “I may wander over to the Mayor’s office and put a 5.56 in her skull,” Meredith added in an earlier message....

In her statement, Jackson railed against an increase in extreme political language, and she noted that many political leaders continue to make false claims about fraud in the 2020 election. “The heated inflammatory rhetoric that brought the defendant to the district has not subsided,” the judge said. “The lie that the election was stolen and illegitimate is still being perpetrated. Indeed, it’s being amplified not only on social media, but on mainstream news outlets and…it’s become heresy for a member of the president’s—the former president’s party to say otherwise.”

During a brief, emotional statement to the court, Meredith insisted that the threats he issued and his talk of “war” in the Capitol were just overheated rhetoric. “I had no intention. It was political hyperbole that was too hyper,” Meredith said. “I was out of control that day.”...

Meredith pleaded guilty in September to a felony threat charge that carries a maximum of five years in prison. The plea deal contemplated a sentence of between six months and two years. However, Jackson found that the non-binding sentencing guidelines actually called for a stiffer sentence of between 37 months and 46 months because the threat to Pelosi targeted a government official.

“The fact that the government didn’t point to this before is odd,” said the judge, an appointee of former President Barack Obama. “It’s hard to suggest that these threats weren’t about or motivated by the victim’s performance of their official duties…The defendant was not incensed at Nancy Pelosi because she was a next-door neighbor who parked in his parking spot or a former romantic or business partner.”

Kiyonaga complained bitterly about the increase in the recommended sentencing range and suggested that the change will discourage other defendants from agreeing to plea deals. “I painstakingly negotiated a plea agreement with the government,” he said. “I think the government has gotten a windfall that it should not take advantage of. I think that will reverberate.”

The judge ultimately sentenced Meredith below the guidelines range, citing in part the harsh pandemic-related conditions at the D.C. Jail, where he is housed with others awaiting trial on charges related to the Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

December 14, 2021 in Booker in district courts, Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines | Permalink | Comments (4)

Sunday, December 12, 2021

Accounting for the first 50 sentences imposed on January 6 rioters

This new CNN piece, headlined "After 50 rioters sentenced for January 6 insurrection, a debate rages over what justice looks like," reports on a new analysis of sentences for the high-profile crimes that kicked off 2021.  I recommend the lengthy piece in full, and here are parts of how it gets started:

Of the 50-plus defendants who have been sentenced for their role in the January 6 attack on the US Capitol, fewer than half were sent to jail for their crimes. Most received an assortment of lesser penalties, including brief terms of house arrest, a couple years of probation, four-figure fines or court-ordered community service, according to a CNN analysis.

The milestone of 50 sentencings was hit on Friday, a busy day in court, with six hearings on the schedule. Four defendants got probation Friday, including a pair of veterans from Wisconsin, while one man who stole a beer from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's office got 20 days in jail.

As federal prosecutors have brought cases against nearly 700 rioters, a heated debate has emerged over what justice should look like for such an unprecedented assault on democracy. This debate has raged on social media and in the halls of Congress. It has also played out among the two dozen judges handling the cases at the federal courthouse in Washington, DC.

After 50 sentencings, a split has developed on the bench: One group of judges has handed down stiffer punishments to rioters, including time behind bars. While a more skeptical group of judges have rebuffed the Justice Department and instead imposed fines and probation, which means the rioters will avoid jail but stay under government supervision for years to come.

This dynamic won't last forever -- this initial wave of guilty pleas and sentencings will eventually be followed up by dozens of more serious felony cases with longer prison terms. But for now, the dizzying array of outcomes has caused some headaches. Judges are questioning the department's approach to January 6, and politicians from both sides have fanned the flames....

These wings of the court don't fall along political lines. There are GOP-appointed skeptics, and some Democratic appointees handing down tough punishments. But the dynamic is nuanced. This has also forced partisan players on both sides to contort their ideological views to fit the moment.

Democratic lawmakers and activists are calling for more incarceration and want judges to throw the book at rioters, while many Republican officials and right-wing influencers have become newfound supporters of improving jail conditions for what they call "political prisoners."

Some of many prior related posts:

UPDATE: I just notice this recent AP article discussing some of the sentencings for some of the January 6 crimes under the headline "Capitol rioters’ social media posts influencing sentencings." Here is how the extended piece gets started:

For many rioters who stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, self-incriminating messages, photos and videos that they broadcast on social media before, during and after the insurrection are influencing even their criminal sentences.

Earlier this month, U.S. District Judge Amy Jackson read aloud some of Russell Peterson’s posts about the riot before she sentenced the Pennsylvania man to 30 days imprisonment. “Overall I had fun lol,” Peterson posted on Facebook.  The judge told Peterson that his posts made it “extraordinarily difficult” for her to show him leniency.

“The ’lol’ particularly stuck in my craw because, as I hope you’ve come to understand, nothing about January 6th was funny,” Jackson added.  “No one locked in a room, cowering under a table for hours, was laughing.”

Among the biggest takeaways so far from the Justice Department’s prosecution of the insurrection is how large a role social media has played, with much of the most damning evidence coming from rioters’ own words and videos.

December 12, 2021 in Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Procedure and Proof at Sentencing, Purposes of Punishment and Sentencing, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (12)

Thursday, December 09, 2021

How many years and counting might reality TV star Josh Duggar now get after federal jury convictions on two child pornography charges?

The question in the title of this post is prompted by this celebrity trial news from the AP: "Former reality TV star Josh Duggar was immediately taken into custody Thursday after a federal jury convicted him of downloading and possessing child pornography." Here is more:

The jury in Fayetteville, about 140 miles (225 kilometers) northwest of Little Rock, found the 33-year-old Duggar guilty on one count each of receiving and possessing child pornography.  He faces up to 20 years in prison and fines of up to $250,000 for each count when he’s sentenced.... U.S. District Judge Timothy Brooks said sentencing will happen in about four months, Fayetteville TV station KNWA reported. “We respect the jury’s verdict and we look forward to continuing this fight on appeal,” said Justin Gelfand, one of Duggar’s defense attorneys.

Duggar and his large Arkansas family starred on TLC’s “19 Kids and Counting” until the network canceled the show in 2015 following revelations that he had molested four of his sisters and a babysitter. Authorities began investigating the abuse in 2006 after receiving a tip from a family friend but concluded that the statute of limitations on any possible charges had expired.

Duggar’s parents said he had confessed to the fondling and apologized . At the time, Duggar apologized publicly for unspecified behavior and resigned as a lobbyist for the Family Research Council, a conservative Christian group. Duggar later apologized for a pornography addiction and for cheating on his wife, calling himself “the biggest hypocrite ever.” The judge in the child porn case ruled that jurors could hear testimony about how in 2003, Duggar admitted to molesting four girls.  A family friend testified that Duggar told her about the abuse.

Federal authorities said they began investigating after a Little Rock police detective found child porn files were being shared by a computer traced to Duggar.  A federal agent testified in May that images depicting the sexual abuse of children, including toddlers, were downloaded in 2019 onto a computer at a car dealership Duggar owned.  Duggar’s attorney argued that someone else downloaded or uploaded the images onto Duggar’s computer.  But the jury wasn’t swayed.

This DOJ press release, titeld "Federal Jury Convicts Former Reality Television Personality for Downloading and Possessing Child Sexual Abuse Material," provides these additional offense details and more of the sentencing specifics:

According to court documents and evidence presented at trial, Joshua James Duggar, 33, of Springdale, repeatedly downloaded and viewed images and videos depicting the sexual abuse of children, including images of prepubescent children and depictions of sadistic abuse.  Duggar, a former reality television personality who appeared with his family on the TLC series “19 Kids and Counting,” installed a password-protected partition on the hard drive of his desktop computer at his used car lot in Springdale to avoid pornography-detecting software on the device.  He then accessed the partition to download child sexual abuse material from the internet multiple times over the course of three days in May 2019.  The password for the partition was the same one he used for other personal and family accounts.  Duggar downloaded the material using the dark web and online file-sharing software, viewed it, and then removed it from his computer....

Duggar was convicted of receipt and possession of child pornography. His sentencing date has not been scheduled yet.  Receipt of child pornography is punishable by a term of imprisonment of five to 20 years. Possession of child pornography depicting prepubescent children has a maximum penalty of 20 years of imprisonment as well.  A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

Though the exact sentencing range that Duggar will now face under the guidelines will depend on a lot of the particulars of his downloading activities, he is now certain to receive a federal prison term of at least five years due to his conviction on a receipt charge.  In addition, because the child porn guideline §2G2.2 has so many significant enhancement, he could be facing a guideline sentencing range of well over decade.  (Some USSC data for Fiscal Year 2020 here shows in Table 7 that the average national child porn sentence was about 8.5 years and the average sentence for child porn in the Western District of Arkansas was a few months over 7 years.  Though the child porn guidelines are quite harsh, they are the guidelines that judges depart down from most frequently.)

December 9, 2021 in Celebrity sentencings, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Sex Offender Sentencing | Permalink | Comments (7)

Wednesday, December 08, 2021

US Sentencing Commission releases FY 2021 fourth quarter sentencing data showing growth in cases and in average sentence severity

US Sentencing Commission yesterday published here its latest quarterly data report which is described as a "4th Quarter Release, Preliminary Fiscal Year 2021 Data Through September 30, 2021." These new data provide another official accounting of how COVID realities appear to be continuing to reduce the usual total number of federal sentences imposed, though in this latest quarter we are seeing a return almost to pre-pandemic norms for most offense categories other than immigration cases.

Specifically, as reflected in Figure 2, in pre-pandemic years, quarterly cases sentenced generally averaged around 17,000 to 19,000. But in the three quarters closing out 2020, amid the worst early periods of the pandemic, there were only between about 12,000 and 13,000 cases being sentenced each quarter.  In the most recent quarter here reported, running from July 1 to September 30, 2021, it appears that more than 15,000 cases were sentenced in federal court.  Figure 2 also shows that, relative to pre-pandemic trends, the only major caseload decline now is in the total number of immigration cases sentenced while the other big federal case categories — Drug Trafficking, Firearms and Economic Offenses — now have the total number of cases sentenced in recent quarters not off that much from recent historical norms.

Consistent with what I have noted in prior post about pandemic era USSC data, these data continue to show a notable jump in the percentage of below-guideline variances granted in the last five quarters (as detailed in Figures 3 and 4).  But I suspect these data may reflect the altered mix of cases now that the number of immigration cases being sentenced has declined dramatically rather than significantly different behaviors by sentencing judges.  And, notably, Figure 5 in this data run reveals that the "Average Guideline Minimum" as well as the "Average Sentence" were higher in this last quarter than in recent history, with a particularly notable uptick in these measures of average sentence severity over the last two quarters.

A few prior recent related post:

December 8, 2021 in Data on sentencing, Detailed sentencing data, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Impact of the coronavirus on criminal justice | Permalink | Comments (0)

Monday, December 06, 2021

When exactly in "early 2022" might we expect Prez Biden's nominees to the US Sentencing Commission?

The question in the title of this post is prompted by this new Law360 article, which discusses the quorum-less status of the US Sentencing Commission and includes a prediction from the last remaining Commissioner as to when new USSC nominations may be forthcoming. The piece is headlined "Biden's Inaction Keeps Justice Reform Group Sidelined," and here are a few excerpts:

In November, Reps. Kelly Armstrong, R-N.D., and Jamie Raskin, D-Md., sent a letter to Biden urging him to fill vacancies on the Sentencing Commission, saying that the commission's inability to issue sentencing guidelines for the First Step Act could result in "uneven application of the law."

"It is imperative that the vacancies are expeditiously filled so the commission can continue its work to improve the federal criminal justice system," the pair said in the Nov. 22 letter.

Armstrong told Law360 that he sent the letter to Biden because having the commission's input would be beneficial as the Senate considers advancing the EQUAL Act, or Eliminating a Quantifiably Unjust Application of the Law Act — a proposed law that would completely eliminate sentencing disparities between crack and powdered cocaine offenses.  The bill has passed in the House.

"Nobody's ever lost an election being tough on crime, so if you want reasonable smart policy changes, you need experts to give you the advice, because then, you can utilize that, and you don't take as much political heat," Armstrong said about the Sentencing Commission.

Congress is currently considering several sentencing reform bills in addition to the EQUAL Act.  Though lawmakers are running out of time to pass the proposed laws with its winter recess scheduled to start Dec. 11.  Four of the proposed sentencing reform bills — the Smarter Sentencing Act, the Preventing Unfair Sentencing Act, the RAISE Act and the Ending the Fentanyl Crisis Act — specifically call on the Sentencing Commission to review and revise its sentencing guidelines, if necessary to comply with the legislation.  However, the commission wouldn't be able to comply with these directives as long as it lacks a quorum.

A White House spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about why Biden hasn't nominated commissioners for the Sentencing Commission yet or when he will announce his nominees.

Breyer, the sole remaining commissioner, told Law360 that he has been in contact with the White House and believes it is currently vetting candidates. He said that he is hoping for a slate of nominees in early 2022.  The White House is "certainly overworked, but I still think that there is some priority in getting this taken care of," Breyer said.

If there truly was "some priority" in staffing the US Sentencing Commission, I think we would have and could have already seen some USSC nominees now 11 months into the Biden Administration.  But I suppose this setting justifies the old saying "better late than never." 

I sincerely hope Judge Breyer's prediction of "nominees in early 2022" means sometime in January or February.  The process of Senate confirmation likely takes a few months even under the best of circumstances, and the prospect of confirmations would seem to diminish as we get closer to the midterm elections.  So even uncontroversial nominations made in January might not result in a full and functioning Commission until Spring 2022.  I fear later and/or controversial nominees could mean we do not get a full and functioning Commission at all in 2022.     

A few of many prior recent related posts:

December 6, 2021 in Criminal justice in the Biden Administration, Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (15)

Thursday, December 02, 2021

New Senate bill to add defender ex officio position to US Sentencing Commission

As detailed in this press release from earlier this week, "U.S. Senators Cory Booker (D-NJ) and Dick Durbin (D-IL) [have] introduced the Sentencing Commission Improvements Act, legislation that would for the first time add an ex officio member with a public defender background to the U.S. Sentencing Commission."  Here is a link to the short bill, and here is more from the press release:

Currently, the Commission consists of seven members from both political parties appointed by the President and two ex officio, nonvoting members, the Attorney General or a designee and the U.S. Parole Commission chair. However, unlike the majority of state sentencing commissions, the federal Commission lacks a representative from a public defender background who would provide an essential perspective on the criminal justice system. 

“The federal Sentencing Commission was created to be fair, impartial, and capable of providing evidence-driven improvements to our sentencing system, which is fraught with disparities,” said Senator Booker. “Adding a statutory member to the Commission with a public defender background will ensure that the Commission’s ranks include this distinct and essential perspective on our criminal justice system and, thus, bring us one step closer to a more balanced and just system.”

“The U.S. Sentencing Commission is tasked with establishing practices and policies to promote transparency and reduce sentencing disparities, but the Commission is missing a crucial perspective from the federal public defender system. If we hope to improve sentencing policies in America, we must balance the Commission’s membership by adding a nonvoting federal defender,” said Senator Durbin. “The Sentencing Commission Improvements Act will remedy the Commission’s blind spot and move us toward a fairer sentencing process.”

This new Law360 article, headlined "'No-Brainer' Bill Would Add Fed. Defender To Sentencing Body," provides some more background and details.  Here is an excerpt:

A Senate proposal Tuesday would create a new seat on the U.S. Sentencing Commission for former federal defenders, a move experts say would counterbalance the outsize influence that current and former prosecutors have over the currently dormant panel....

New York University professor and former U.S. Sentencing Commission member Rachel Barkow cheered the proposal. "The Department of Justice has a seat at the table — literally — with a DOJ rep attending all the Commission's meetings," she told Law360 in a statement Wednesday. "It would be helpful to have a defender there as well to offer that perspective.  The Commission has always had plenty of people serving as commissioners who were former prosecutors, and public defense experience is equally valuable."

Brian Jacobs, a former New York federal prosecutor who now specializes in white collar defense with Morvillo Abramowitz Grand Iason & Anello PC, called the proposed move a "no-brainer."  "Speaking as a defender — but even wearing my former prosecutor hat — it makes sense to want to have that sort of balanced input," he told Law360....

Without a quorum last year, the commission missed the chance to shape sentencing policy in response to the coronavirus pandemic — something public defenders are particularly equipped to weigh in on, according to Jacobs. "There's no reason there shouldn't be language in the guidelines addressing how much more difficult time in custody is right now," he said, referring to viral outbreaks, remote court snafus, and restrictive prison policies limiting defendants' ability to meet with counsel. "If the sentencing commission were more nimble, you can imagine there would have been a statement in the guidelines themselves."

December 2, 2021 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (0)

Wednesday, December 01, 2021

Calling out SCOTUS for failing to take up circuit splits over the federal sentencing guidelines

In this post last month, I noted this notable new paper by Dawinder Sidhu titled "Sentencing Guidelines Abstention," which astutely assails the US Supreme Court for its "refusal to review [circuit] splits involving federal sentencing policy."  I am now pleased to see Dawinder putting forward his important points in this new HIll commentary headlined "The Supreme Court's criminal justice blind spot."  I recommend the full piece and here are excerpts:

A primary role of the Supreme Court is to resolve differences among the federal appeals courts when those courts reach different conclusions on the same questions of law.  But for 30 years, the Supreme Court has refused to perform this essential role when the disagreements concern federal sentencing guidelines.  The court’s inaction has allowed uncertainty and disparities to fester in this critical area of criminal justice....

In [a] 1991 opinion, the court ... added extraneous language [in an early case address a conflict over a guideline that the US Sentencing Commission was in the process of amending], writing that because the commission possessed authority to amend the guidelines in response to interpretive conflicts, the court should be “more restrained and circumspect in … resolving such conflicts.”

Because this language was unnecessary to the disposition of the case, it should have no precedential weight.   At most, this case supports the unremarkable proposition that, when the commission’s amendment process is under way regarding a guideline that triggers a judicial conflict, the court should exercise restraint and allow the commission to complete its amendment process.  The court regularly abstains from interfering with parallel administrative or state proceedings.  Deferring to the commission during the course of a simultaneous amendment process would be consistent with this respect for alternative decisional bodies.

The problem, however, is that the court has refused to hear all guideline conflicts, not just those the commission is actively addressing.  In adopting this broad position, the court has ceded its role of ironing out judicial conflicts to the commission.  As then-Judge Samuel Alito recognized [in this FSR article], “No other federal agency — in any branch — has ever performed a role anything like it.”  Indeed, the court does not forgo consideration of a case when Congress or an administrative agency may one day amend a statute or regulation producing a conflict.

This anomaly has real-life consequences.  This year, Justices Neil Gorsuch and Sonia Sotomayor believed that the court should not hear a sentencing guidelines case, notwithstanding the fact that it raised an “important and longstanding split” among the federal appeals courts. They reasoned that the commission should “address the issue in the first instance.”  But the justices conceded that until the commission resolves the split, “similarly situated defendants may receive substantially different sentences depending on the jurisdiction in which they are sentenced,” with the disparities ranging by a factor of “years” and spanning from a “fixed-term” to a “life sentence.”

This knowingly perpetuated uncertainty and disparity in the federal courts.  To make matters worse, the court did so knowing that the commission has been without a quorum for almost three years. As such, the court punted a conflict to an agency incapable of amending the guidelines or resolving conflicts.  This isn’t the first time the commission has lacked a quorum for a significant period.  Even when the commission is fully functional, it only has the capacity to take on some of the conflicts that exist.  This is not to disparage the commission but to call into question the Supreme Court’s hoisting the responsibility of addressing guideline conflicts onto the shoulders of a regularly shorthanded commission.

Anyone interested in coherence and consistency in criminal justice should be troubled by the court’s refusal to review conflicts involving the federal sentencing guidelines.  It is one thing to be discerning in case selection; it is another to step aside altogether from guideline cases that implicate the fair and uniform administration of justice.

December 1, 2021 in Federal Sentencing Guidelines, Sentences Reconsidered, Who Sentences | Permalink | Comments (5)